Skip to main content

Full text of "Patriarchal Palestine, Canaan and the Canaanites before the Israelitish Conquest; with a map"

See other formats

'Miii  i 

||    |!| 




Ill  lipl'l'il 

1  H;1;." 









REV.  A.  H.  SAYCE 


WITH    A    MAP 




northumberland  avenue,  w.c.  ;  43,  queen  victoria  street,  b.c. 

Brighton  :   129,  North  Street 

New   York:    K.    S.    GORHAM 




A  few  years  ago  the  subject-matter  of  the  present 
volume  might  have  been  condensed  into  a  few  pages. 
Beyond  what  we  would  gather  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, we  knew  but  little  about  the  history  and  geo- 
graphy of  Canaan  before  the  age  of  its  conquest  by 
the  Israelites.  Thanks,  however,  to  the  discovery  and 
decipherment  of  the  ancient  monuments  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria,  of  Egypt  and  of  Palestine,  all  this  is 
now  changed.  A  flood  of  light  has  been  poured  upon 
the  earlier  history  of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants, 
and  though  we  are  still  only  at  the  beginning  of  our 
discoveries  we  can  already  sketch  the  outlines  of 
Canaanitish  history,  and  even  fill  them  in  here  and 

Throughout  I  have  assumed  that  in  the  narrative  of 
the  Pentateuch  we  have  history  and  not  fiction.  Indeed 
the  archaeologist  cannot  do  otherwise.  Monumental 
research  is  making  it  clearer  every  day  that  the  scep- 
ticism of  the  so-called  "higher  criticism  "  is  not  justi- 
fied in  fact.  Those  who  would  examine  the  proofs  of 
this  must  turn  to  my  book  on  The  Higher  Criticism 
and  the  Verdict  of  the  Monuments.  There  I  have 
written  purely  as  an  archaeologist,  who  belongs  to  no 
theological  school,  and  consequently  readers  of  the 
work  must  see  in  it  merely  the  irreducible  minimum  of 
confidence  in  the  historical  trustworthiness  of  the  Old 
Testament  with  which  Oriental  archaeology  can  be 


satisfied.  But  it  is  obvious  that  this  irreducible 
minimum  is  a  good  deal  less  than  what  a  fair-minded 
historian  will  admit.  The  archaeological  facts  support 
the  traditional  rather  than  the  so-called  "critical" 
view  of  the  age  and  authority  of  the  Pentateuch,  and 
tend  to  show  that  we  have  in  it  not  only  a  historical 
monument  whose  statements  can  be  trusted,  but  also 
what  is  substantially  a  work  of  the  great  Hebrew 
legislator  himself. 

For  those  who  "profess  and  call  themselves  Chris- 
tians," however,  there  is  another  side  to  the  question 
besides  the  archaeological.  The  modern  "critical" 
views  in  regard  to  the  Pentateuch  are  in  violent  con- 
tradiction to  the  teaching  and  belief  of  the  Jewish 
Church  in  the  time  of  our  Lord,  and  this  teaching  and 
belief  has  been  accepted  by  Christ  and  His  Apostles, 
and  inherited  by  the  Christian  Church.  It  is  a  teach- 
ing and  belief  which  lies  at  the  root  of  many  of  the 
dogmas  of  the  Church,  and  if  we  are  to  reject  or 
revise  it,  we  must  at  the  same  time  reject  and  revise 
historical  Christianity.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  we 
can  call  ourselves  Christians  in  the  sense  which  the 
term  has  borne  for  the  last  eighteen  hundred  years, 
and  at  the  same  time  repudiate  or  modify,  in  accord- 
ance with  our  individual  fancies,  the  articles  of  faith 
which  historical  Christianity  has  maintained  every- 
where and  at  all  periods.  For  those  who  look  beyond 
the  covers  of  grammars  and  lexicons,  the  great  prac- 
tical fact  of  historical  Christianity  must  outweigh  all 
the  speculations  of  individual  scholars,  however  in- 
genious and  elaborate  they  may  be.  It  is  for  the 
individual  to  harmonize  his  conclusions  with  the 
immemorial  doctrine  of  the  Church,  not  for  the 
Church  to  reconcile  its  teaching  with  the  theories  of 


the  individual.  Christ  promised  that  the  Spirit  of 
God  should  guide  His  Apostles  and  their  followers 
into  "all  truth,"  and  those  who  believe  the  promise 
cannot  also  believe  that  the  "Spirit  of  Truth"  has 
been  at  any  time  a  Spirit  of  illusion. 

Oriental  archaeology,  at  all  events  is  on  the  side  of 
those  who  see  in  the  Hebrew  patriarchs  real  men  of 
flesh  and  blood,  and  who  hold  that  in  the  narratives 
of  the  Pentateuch  we  have  historical  records  many  of 
which  go  back  to  the  age  of  the  events  they  describe. 
Archaeological  discoveries  have  been  crowding  upon 
us,  of  late  years,  thick  and  fast,  many  of  them  revolu- 
tionary, and  without  exception  they  have  been  on  the 
side  of  tradition  and  against  the  conclusions  of  the 
modern  critic.  The  advocates  of  subjective  criticism 
would  do  well  to  ponder  this  fact. 

A.  H.  SAYCE. 


Dynasties    XV.,    XVI.,   and    XVII.— Hyksos     or    Shepherd-kings    (from 

Dynasty  XV. 


i.  Salatis 

2.  Beon,  or  Bnon 

3.  Apakhnas,  or  Pakhnan 

4.  Apdphis  I.     . 

5.  Yanias  or  Annas 

6.  Assis . 
Of  the  Sixteenth  Dynasty  nothing  is  know  n.     Of  the  Seventeenth  the  monuments 

have  given  us  the  names  of  Apdphis  II.  (Aa-user-Ra)  and  Apophis  III. 
(Aa-ab-taui-Ra),  in  whose  reign  the  war  ot  independence  began  under  the 
native  prince  of  Thebes,  and  lasted  for  four  generations. 

Dynasty  XVIII.— 


1.  Neb-pehuti-Ra,  Alimes  (more  than  20  years). 

2.  Ser-ka-Ra,    Amon-hotep    L,    his    son    (20  years  7 

months. ) 

3.  Aa  kheper-ka-Ra,  Thothmes  I.,  his  son,  and  queen 


4.  Aa-kheper-n-Ra,   Thothmes  II.,   his  son,  and   wife 

Hatshepsu  I.  (more  than  9  years). 

5.  Khnum-Amon,  Hatshepsu  II.,  Ma-ka-Ra  his  sister 

(more  than  16  years). 

6.  Ra-men-Kheper,    Thothmes   III.,    her  brother    (54 

years,  11  months,  1  day,  from  March  20,  B.C.  1503 
to  Feb.  14,  B.C.  1449). 

7.  Aa-khepru-Ra,  Amon-hotep  II.,  his  son  (more  than 

S  years). 

8.  Men-khepru-Ra,  Thothmes  IV,  his  son  (more  than  7 


9.  Neb-ma-Ra,  Amon-hotep  III.,  his  son  (more  than  35 

years),  and  queen  Teie. 
10.   Nefer-khepru-Ra,  Amon-hotep  IV. ,  Khu-n-Aten  (also 

called  Khuriya),  his  son  (more  than  17  years). 
n.  Ankh-khepru-Ra  and  queen  Meri  Aten. 

12.  Tut-ankh-Amon  Khepru-neb-Ra,  and  queen  Ankh- 


13.  Aten- Ra-nefer-nefru-mer- Aten. 

14.  Ai  kheper-khepru-ar-ma-Ra,  and  queen  Thi   (more 

than  4  years). 

15.  Hor-m-hib   Mi-Amon  Ser-khepru-ka   (more   than   3 



Amenophis  I. 






Amenophis  II. 





Sethos  Ramesses. 

Dynasty  XIX.— 
i.  Men-pehuti-R;i,  Ramessu  I.  (more  than  2  years). 

2.  Men-ma-Ra,  Scti  I.,  Mer-n-Ptah  1.  (more  than   27 

years),  his  son. 

3.  User-ma-Ra,   Sotep-n-Ra,  Ramessus  II.,  Mi-Amon 

(B.C.  1348 — 1281),  his  son. 

4.  Mer-n-Ptah   II.,  Hotep-hi-ma  Ba-n-Ra,    Mi-Amon, 

his  son. 

5.  User-khepru-Ra,    Seti    II.,    Mcr-n-Ptah    III.,    his 


6.  Amon-mesu    Hik-An    Mer-Kha-Ra    Sotep-n-Ra,     Amenemes. 


7.  Khu-n-Ra  Sotep-n-Ra,    Mer-n-Ptah     IV.,     Si-Ptah    Thuoris. 

(more  than  6  years),  and  queen  Ta-user. 

Dynasty  XX.— 

1.  Set-nekt,  Merer-Mi-Amon  (recovered   the  kingdom  from  the   Phoenician 


2.  Ramessu  III.,  Hik-An,  his  son  (more  than  32  years). 

3.  Ramessu  IV.,  Hik-Ma  Mi-Amon  (more  than  11  years). 

4.  Ramessu  V.,  User-Ma-s-Kheper-Ra  Mi-Amon  (more  than  4  years). 

5.  Ramessu  VI.,  Neb-Ma-Ra  Mi-Amon  Amon-hir-khopesh-f  (Ramessu  Meii- 

Tum,  a  rival  king  in  Northern  Egypt). 

6.  Ramessu  VII.,  At-Amon  User-ma-Ra  Mi-Amon. 

7.  Ramessu  VIII.,  Set-hir-khopesh-f  Mi-Amon  User-ma-Ra  Khu-n-Amon. 

8.  Ramessu  IX.,  Si-Ptah  S-kha-n-Ra  Mi-Amon  (19  years). 

9.  Ramessu  X.,  Nefer-ka-Ra  Mi-Amon  Sotep-n-Ra  (more  than  10  years). 
10.   Ramessu  XI.,  Amon-hir-khopesh-f  Kheper-ma-Ra  Sotep-n-Ra. 

n.   Ramessu  XII.,  Men-ma-Ra  Mi-Amon  Sotep-n-Ptah  Kba-m-Uas   (more 
than  27  years). 

Dynasty  I.  of  Babylon — 

1.  Samu-abi  14  years,  B.C  2225. 

2.  Sumu-la-ilu,  his  son,  36  years. 

3.  Zabu,  his  son,  14  years. 

4.  Abil-Sin,  his  son,  18  years. 

5.  Sin-muballidh,  his  son,  20  ye.irs. 

6.  Khammu-rabi,  his  son,  43  years 

(at  first  under  the  sovereignty 
of  Chedorlaomer,  the  Elamite  ; 
by  the  conquest  of  Eri-Aku  and 
the  Ela  mites  he  unites  Baby- 
lonia, B.C.  2092). 

7.  Samsu-iluna,  his  son,  38  years. 

8.  Ebisum,  or  Abi-shua,  his  son,  28 


9.  Ammi-ditana,  his  son,  37  years. 

10.  Ammi-zaduga,  his  son,  21  years. 

11.  Samsu-ditana,  his  son,  31  years. 
Dynasty   II.    of    Uru-azagga    (partly 

contemporary  with  Dynasty  I.). 

1.  Anman,  51  (or  60)  years. 

2.  Ki-nigas,  55  years. 

3.  Damki-ili-su,  46  years. 

4.  Iskipal,  15  years. 

5.  Sussi,  his  brother,  27  years. 

6.  Gul-kisar,  55  years. 

7.  Kirgal-daramas,     his     son,     50 


8.  A-dara-kalama,  his  son,  28  years. 

9.  A-kur-du-ana,  26  years. 

10.  Melamma-kurkura,  6  years. 

11.  Bel-ga[mil  ?],  9  years. 
Dynasty   III.,   of  the   Kassites,   B.C. 


1.  Gandis,  or  Gaddas,  16  years. 

2.  Agum-Sipak,  his  son,  22  years. 

3.  Guya-Sipak,  his  son  22  years. 

4.  Ussi,  his  son,  8  years. 

5.  Adu-medas,  ...  years. 

6.  Tazzi-gurumas,  ...  years, 

7.  Agum-kak-rimi,     his     son, 


14.  Kallimma-sin.i 

The  following  order  of  succession  is  taken  from  Dr.  Hilprecht,. 


1 1 

It  Kudur-Bel. 

16.  Sagarakti-buryas,  his  son. 

17.  Kuii-galzu  I. 

18.  Kara-indas. 

19.  Burna-buryas,  his  nephew,   B.C. 


20.  Kara-Khardas,  sonofKaraindas. 

21.  Nazi-bugas,      or    Su-zigas,     an 


22.  Kuri-galzu    II.,    son   of  Burna- 

buryas,  2  ...  years. 

23.  Nazi-Maruttas,  his  son,  26  years. 

24.  Kadasman-Turgu,    his    son,    17 


25.  Kadasman-Burias,     his    son,    2 


26.  Kudur-Ellil,  6  years. 

27.  Saga-rakti-suryas,  13  years. 

28.  Kastilias,  his  son,  8  years. 

29.  Bel-nadin-sumi,  1  year  6  months. 

30.  Kadasman-Kharbe,     1     year    6 


31.  Rimmon-nadin-sunii,  6  years. 

32.  Rimmon-sum-utsur,  30  years  (in- 

cluding 7  years  of  occupation 
of  Babylon  by  the  Assyrian 
king,  Tiglath-Ninip). 

33.  Meli-Sipak,  15  years. 

34.  Merodach-baladan  I.,  his  son,  13 


35.  Zamama-nadin-sunii  I.,  1  year. 

36.  Bel-sum  iddin,  3  years. 



I.       THE   LAND      . 
II.       THE   PEOPLE 
















Patriarchal  Palestine  !  There  are  some  who 
would  tell  us  that  the  very  name  is  a  misnomer. 
Have  we  not  been  assured  by  the  German  critics  and 
their  English  disciples  that  there  were  no  patriarchs 
and  no  Patriarchal  Age  ?  And  yet,  the  critics 
notwithstanding,  the  Patriarchal  Age  has  actually 
existed.  While  criticism,  so-called,  has  been  busy 
in  demolishing  the  records  of  the  Pentateuch,  archae- 
ology, by  the  spade  of  the  excavator  and  the  patient 
skill  of  the  decipherer,  has  been  equally  busy  in 
restoring  their  credit.  And  the  monuments  of  the 
past  are  a  more  solid  argument  than  the  guesses  and 
prepossessions  of  the  modern  theorist.  The  clay 
tablet  and  inscribed  stone  are  better  witnesses  to  the 
truth  than  literary  tact  or  critical  scepticism.  That 
Moses  and  his  contemporaries  could  neither  read  nor 
write  may  have  been  proved  to  demonstration  by  the 
critic ;  yet  nevertheless  we  now  know,  thanks  to  archae- 
ological discovery,  that  it  would  have  been  a  miracle 
if  the  critic  were  right.  The  Pentateuch  is,  after  all, 
what  it  professes  to  be,  and  the  records  it  contains 
are  history  and  not  romance. 


The  question  of  its  authenticity  involves  issues  more 
serious  and  important  than  those  which  have  to  do 
merely  with  history  or  archaeology.  We  are  some- 
times told  indeed,  in  all  honesty  of  purpose,  that  it  is 
a  question  of  purely  literary  interest,  without  influence 
on  our  theological  faith.  But  the  whole  fabric  of  the 
Jewish  Church  in  the  time  of  our  Lord  was  based  upon 
the  belief  that  the  Law  of  Moses  came  from  God,  and 
that  this  God  "is  not  a  man  that  He  should  lie." 
And  the  belief  of  the  Jewish  Church  was  handed  on 
to  the  Christian  Church  along  with  all  its  con- 
sequences. To  revise  that  belief  is  to  revise  the 
dogmas  of  the  Christian  Church  as  they  have  been 
held  for  the  last  eighteen  centuries ;  to  reject  it  utterly 
is  to  reject  the  primary  document  of  the  faith  into 
which  we  have  been  baptized. 

It  is  not,  however,  with  theological  matters  that 
we  are  now  concerned.  Patriarchal  Palestine  is  for 
us  the  Palestine  of  the  Patriarchal  Age,  as  it  has  been 
disclosed  by  archaeological  research,  not  the  Palestine 
in  which  the  revelation  of  God's  will  to  man  was  to 
be  made.  It  is  sufficient  for  us  that  the  Patriarchal 
Age  has  been  shown  by  modern  discovery  to  be  a  fact, 
and  that  in  the  narratives  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  we 
have  authentic  records  of  the  past.  There  was  indeed 
a  Patriarchal  Palestine,  and  the  glimpses  of  it  that 
we  get  in  the  Old  Testament  have  been  illustrated 
and  supplemented  by  the  ancient  monuments  of  the 
Oriental  world. 

Whether  the  name  of  Palestine  can  be  applied  to 
the  country  with  strict  accuracy  at  this  early  period 
is  a  different  question.  Palestine  is  Philistia,  the  land 
of  the  Philistines,  and  the  introduction  of  the  name 
was  subsequent  to  the  settlement  of  the  Philistines  in 

THE    LAND  15 

Canaan  and  the  era  of  their  victories  over  Israel.  As 
we  shall  see  later  on,  it  is  probable  that  they  did  not 
reach  the  Canaanitish  coast  until  the  Patriarchal  Age 
was  almost,  if  not  entirely,  past.  Their  name  does 
not  occur  in  the  cuneiform  correspondence  which  was 
carried  on  between  Canaan  and  Egypt  in  the  century 
before  the  Exodus,  and  they  are  first  heard  of  as 
forming  part  of  that  great  confederacy  of  northern 
tribes  which  attacked  Egypt  and  Canaan  in  the  days 
of  Moses.  But,  though  the  term  Canaan  would  doubt- 
less be  more  correct  than  Palestine,  the  latter  has 
become  so  purely  geographical  in  meaning  that  we 
can  employ  it  without  reference  to  history  or  date.  Its 
signification  is  too  familiar  to  cause  mistakes,  and  it 
can  therefore  be  used  proleptically,  just  as  the  name 
of  the  Philistines  themselves  is  used  proleptically  in 
the  twenty-first  chapter  of  Genesis.  Abimelech  was 
king  of  a  people  who  inhabited  the  same  part  of  the 
country  as  the  Philistines  in  later  times,  and  were 
thus  their  earlier  representatives. 

The  term  "Palestine,"  then,  is  used  geographically 
without  any  reference  to  its  historical  origin.  It 
denotes  the  country  which  is  known  as  Canaan  in  the 
Old  Testament,  which  was  promised  to  Abraham  and 
conquered  by  his  descendants.  It  is  the  land  in  which 
David  ruled  and  in  which  Christ  was  born,  where  the 
prophets  prepared  the  way  for  the  Gospel  and  the 
Christian  Church  was  founded. 

Shut  in  between  the  Desert  of  Arabia  and  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  on  the  east  and  west,  it  is  a  narrow 
strip  of  territory,  for  the  most  part  mountainous, 
rugged,  and  barren.  Northward  the  Lebanon  and 
Anti-Lebanon  come  to  meet  it  from  Syria,  the  Anti- 
Lebanon  culminating  in  the  lofty  peaks  and  precipi- 


tous  ravines  of  Mount  Hermon  (9383  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  sea),  while  Lebanon  runs  southward  till 
it  juts  out  into  the  sea  in  its  sacred  headland  of 
Carmel.  The  fertile  plain  of  Esdraelon  of  Megiddo 
separates  the  mountains  of  the  north  from  those  of 
the  south.  These  last  form  a  broken  plateau  between 
the  Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea  on  the  one  side  and  the 
Plain  of  Sharon  and  the  sea-coast  of  the  Philistines 
on  the  other,  until  they  finally  slope  away  into  the 
arid  desert  of  the  south.  Here,  on  the  borders  of  the 
wilderness,  was  Beersheba,  the  southern  limit  of  the 
land  in  the  days  of  the  monarchy,  Dan,  its  northern 
limit,  lying  far  away  to  the  north  at  the  foot  of 
Hermon,  and  not  far  from  the  sources  of  the  Jordan. 

Granite  and  gneiss,  overlaid  with  hard  dark  sand- 
stone and  masses  of  secondary  limestone,  form,  as  it 
were,  the  skeleton  of  the  country.  Here  and  there,  at 
Carmel  and  Gerizim,  patches  of  the  tertiary  num- 
mulite  of  Egypt  make  their  appearance,  and  in  the 
plains  of  Megiddo  and  the  coast,  as  well  as  in  the 
"Ghor"  or  valley  of  the  Jordan,  there  is  rich  alluvial 
soil.  But  elsewhere  all  is  barren  or  nearly  so,  cultiva- 
tion being  possible  only  by  terracing  the  cliffs,  and 
bringing  the  soil  up  to  them  from  the  plains  below 
with  slow  and  painful  labour.  It  has  often  been  said 
that  Palestine  was  more  widely  cultivated  in  ancient 
times  than  it  is  to-day.  But  if  so,  this  was  only 
because  a  larger  area  of  the  cultivable  ground  was 
tilled.  The  plains  of  the  coast,  which  are  now  given 
over  to  malaria  and  Beduin  thieves,  were  doubtless 
thickly  populated  and  well  sown.  But  of  ground 
actually  fit  for  cultivation  there  could  not  have  been 
a  larger  amount  than  there  is  at  present. 

It  was  not  in  any  way  a  well-wooded  land.    On  the 

THE    LAND  17 

slopes  of  the  Lebanon  and  of  Carmel,  it  is  true,  there 
were  forests  of  cedar-trees,  a  few  of  which  still  survive, 
and  the  Assyrian  kings  more  than  once  speak  of  cut- 
ting them  down  or  using  them  in  their  buildings  at 
Nineveh.  But  south  of  the  Lebanon  forest  trees 
were  scarce ;  the  terebinth  was  so  unfamiliar  a  sight 
in  the  landscape  as  to  become  an  object  of  worship 
or  a  road-side  mark.  Even  the  palm  grew  only  on 
the  sea-coast  or  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  and  the 
tamarisk  and  sycamore  were  hardly  more  than  shrubs. 

Nevertheless  when  the  Israelites  first  entered 
Canaan,  it  was  in  truth  a  land  "flowing  with  milk 
and  honey."  Goats  abounded  on  the  hills,  and  the 
bee  of  Palestine,  though  fierce,  is  still  famous  for  its 
honey-producing  powers.  The  Perizzites  or  "fel- 
lahin  "  industriously  tilled  the  fields,  and  high-walled 
cities  stood  on  the  mountain  as  well  as  on  the  plain. 

The  highlands,  however,  were  deficient  in  water. 
A  few  streams  fall  into  the  sea  south  of  Carmel,  but 
except  in  the  spring,  when  they  have  been  swollen 
by  the  rains,  there  is  but  little  water  in  them.  The 
Kishon,  which  irrigates  the  plain  of  Megiddo,  is  a 
more  important  river,  but  it,  too,  is  little  more  than  a 
mountain  stream.  In  fact,  the  Jordan  is  the  only 
river  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word  which  Palestine 
possesses.  Rising  to  the  north  of  the  Waters  of 
Merom,  now  called  Lake  Huleh,  it  flows  first  into  the 
Lake  of  Tiberias,  and  then  through  a  long  deep  valley 
into  the  Dead  Sea.  Here  at  a  depth  of  1293  feet  below 
the  level  of  the  sea  it  is  swallowed  up  and  lost ;  the 
sea  has  no  outlet,  and  parts  with  its  stagnant  waters 
through  evaporation  alone.  The  evaporation  has 
made  it  intensely  salt,  and  its  shores  are  consequently 
for  the  most  part  the  picture  of  death. 


In  the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  on  the  other  hand, 
vegetation  is  as  luxuriant  and  tropical  as  in  the  forests 
of  Brazil.  Through  a  dense  undergrowth  of  canes 
and  shrubs  the  river  forces  its  way,  rushing  forward 
towards  its  final  gulf  of  extinction  with  a  fall  of  670 
feet  since  it  left  the  Lake  of  Tiberias.  But  the  dis- 
tance thus  travelled  by  it  is  long  in  comparison  with 
its  earlier  fall  of  625  feet  between  Lake  Huleh  and 
the  Sea  of  Galilee.  Here  it  has  cut  its  way  through 
a  deep  gorge,  the  cliffs  of  which  rise  up  almost  sheer 
on  either  side. 

The  Jordan  has  taken  its  name  from  its  rapid  fall. 
The  word  comes  from  a  root  which  signifies  "to 
descend,"  and  the  name  itself  means  "the  down-flow- 
ing." We  can  trace  it  back  to  the  Egyptian  monu- 
ments of  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth  dynasties. 
Ramses  II.,  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression,  has 
inscribed  it  on  the  walls  of  Karnak,  and  Ramses  III., 
who  must  have  reigned  while  the  Israelites  were  still 
in  the  wilderness,  enumerates  the  "Yordan"  at 
Medinet  Habu  among  his  conquests  in  Palestine. 
In  both  cases  it  is  associated  with  "the  Lake  of 
Rethpana,"  which  must  accordingly  be  the  Egyptian 
name  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Rethpana  might  correspond 
with  a  Hebrew  Reshpon,  a  derivative  from  Resheph, 
the  god  of  fire.  Canaanite  mythology  makes  the 
sparks  his  "children  "  (Job  v.  7),  and  it  may  be,  there- 
fore, that  in  this  old  name  of  the  Dead  Sea  we  have 
a  reference  to  the  overthrow  of  the  cities  of  the  plain. 

Eastward  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  the  Jordan  the 
country  is  again  mountainous  and  bare.  Here  were 
the  territories  of  Reuben  and  Gad,  and  the  half-tribe 
of  Manasseh ;  here  also  were  the  kingdoms  of  Moab 
and  Ammon,  of  Bashan  and  the  Amorites.    Here,  too, 

THE    LAND  19 

was  the  land  of  Gilead,  south  of  the  Lake  of  Tiberias 
and  north  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

We  can  read  the  name  of  Muab  or  Moab  on  the 
base  of  the  second  of  the  six  colossal  statues  which 
Ramses  II.  erected  in  front  of  the  northern  pylon  of 
the  temple  of  Luxor.  It  is  there  included  among  his 
conquests.  The  statue  is  the  only  Egyptian  monu- 
ment on  which  the  name  has  hitherto  been  found. 
But  this  single  mention  is  sufficient  to  guarantee  its 
antiquity,  and  to  prove  that  in  the  days  before  the 
Exodus  it  was  already  well  known  in  Egypt. 

To  the  north  of  Moab  came  the  kingdom  of 
Ammon,  or  the  children  of  Ammi.  The  name  of 
Ammon  was  a  derivative  from  that  of  the  god  Ammi 
or  Ammo,  who  seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  the 
ancestor  of  the  nation,  and  "the  father  of  the  children 
of  Ammon"  was  accordingly  called  Ben-Ammi,  "the 
son  of  Ammi  "  (Gen.  xix.  38).  Far  away  in  the  north, 
close  to  the  junction  of  the  rivers  Euphrates  and 
Sajur,  and  but  a  few  miles  to  the  south  of  the  Hittite 
stronghold  of  Carchemish,  the  worship  of  the  same 
god  seems  to  have  been  known  to  the  Aramaean  tribes. 
It  was  here  that  Pethor  stood,  according  to  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions,  and  it  was  from  Pethor  that  the 
seer  Balaam  came  to  Moab  to  curse  the  children  of 
Israel.  Pethor,  we  are  told,  was  "by  the  river 
(Euphrates)  of  the  land  of  the  children  of  Ammo," 
where  the  word  represents  a  proper  name  (Num.  xxii. 
5).  To  translate  it  "his  people,"  as  is  done  by  the 
Authorized  Version,  makes  no  sense.  On  the 
Assyrian  monuments  Ammon  is  sometimes  spoken  of 
as  Beth-Ammon,  "the  house  of  Ammon,"  as  if 
Ammon  had  been  a  living  man. 

b  2 


Like  Moab,  Ammon  was  a  region  of  limestone 
mountains  and  barren  cliffs.  But  there  were  fertile 
fields  on  the  banks  of  the  Jabbok,  the  sources  of  which 
rose  not  far  from  the  capital,  Rabbath. 

North  of  Gilead  and  the  Yarmuk  was  the  volcanic 
plateau  of  Bashan,  Ziri-Basana,  or  "the  Plain  of 
Bashan,"  as  it  is  termed  in  the  cuneiform  tablets  of 
Tel  el-Amarna.  Its  western  slope  towards  the  Lakes 
of  Merom  and  Tiberias  was  known  as  Golan  (now 
Jolan) ;  its  eastern  plateau  of  metallic  lava  was  Argob, 
"the  story"  (now  El  Lejja).  Bashan  was  included  in 
the  Hauran,  the  name  of  which  we  first  meet  with  on 
the  monuments  of  the  Assyrian  king  Assur-bani-pal. 
To  the  north  it  was  bounded  by  Ituraea,  so  named 
from  Jetur,  the  son  of  Ishmael  (Gen.  xxv.  15),  the 
road  through  Ituraea  (the  modern  Jedur)  leading  to 
Damascus  and  its  well-watered  plain. 

The  gardens  of  Damascus  lie  2260  feet  above  the 
sea.  In  the  summer  the  air  is  cooled  by  the  mountain 
breezes;  in  the  winter  the  snow  sometimes  lies  upon 
the  surface  of  the  land.  Westward  the  view  is  closed 
by  the  white  peaks  of  Anti-Lebanon  and  Hermon  ; 
eastward  the  eye  wanders  over  a  green  plain  covered 
with  the  mounds  of  old  towns  and  villages,  and  inter- 
sected by  the  clear  and  rapid  streams  of  the  Abana 
and  Pharphar.  But  the  Abana  has  now  become  the 
Barada,  or  "cold  one,"  while  the  Pharphar  is  the 
Nahr  el-Awaj. 

The  Damascus  of  to-day  stands  on  the  site  of  the 
city  from  which  St.  Paul  escaped,  and  "the  street 
which  is  called  Straight  "  can  still  be  traced  by  its 
line  of  Roman  columns.  But  it  is  doubtful  whether 
the  Damascus  of  the  New  Testament  and  of  to-dav 
is  the  same  as  the  Damascus  of  the  Old  Testament. 

THE    LAND  21 

Where  the  walls  of  the  city  have  been  exposed  to 
view,  we  see  that  their  Greek  foundations  rest  on  the 
virgin  soil ;  no  remains  of  an  earlier  period  lie  beneath 
them.  It  may  be,  therefore,  that  the  Damascus  of 
Ben-Hadad  and  Hazael  is  marked  rather  by  one 
of  the  mounds  in  the  plain  than  by  the  modern 
town.  In  one  of  these  the  stone  statue  of  a  man,  in 
the  Assyrian  style,  was  discovered  a  few  years  ago. 

An  ancient  road  leads  from  the  peach-orchards  of 
Damascus,  along  the  banks  of  the  Abana  and  over 
Anti-Lebanon,  to  the  ruins  of  the  temple  of  the  Sun- 
god  at  Baalbek.  The  temple  as  we  see  it  is  of  the  age 
of  the  Antonines,  but  it  occupies  the  place  of  one 
which  stood  in  Heliopolis,  the  city  of  the  Sun-god, 
from  immemorial  antiquity.  Relics  of  an  older  epoch 
still  exist  in  the  blocks  of  stone  of  colossal  size  which 
serve  as  the  foundation  of  the  western  wall.  Their 
bevelling  reminds  us  of  Phoenician  work. 

Baalbek  was  the  sacred  city  of  the  Bek'a,  or  "cleft" 
formed  between  Lebanon  and  Anti-Lebanon  by  the 
gorge  through  which  the  river  Litany  rushes  down 
to  the  sea.  Once  and  once  only  is  it  referred  to  in 
the  Old  Testament.  Amos  (i.  5)  declares  that  the 
Lord  "will  break  the  bar  of  Damascus  and  cut  off  the 
inhabitant  from  Bikath-On  "—the  Bek'a  of  On.  The 
name  of  On  reminds  us  that  the  Heliopolis  of  Egypt, 
the  city  of  the  Egyptian  Sun-god,  was  also  called  On, 
and  the  question  arises  whether  the  name  and  worship 
of  the  On  of  Syria  were  not  derived  from  the  On  of 
Egypt-  For  nearly  two  centuries  Syria  was  an 
Egyptian  province,  and  the  priests  of  On  in  Egypt 
may  well  have  established  themselves  in  the  "cleft" 
valley  of  Ccele-Syria. 

From  Baalbek,  the  city  of  "Baal  of  the  Bek'a,"  the 


traveller  makes  his  way  across  Lebanon,  and  under 
the  snows  of  Jebel  Sannin — nearly  9000  feet  in  height 
— to  the  old  Phoenician  city  of  Beyrout.  Beyrout  is 
already  mentioned  in  the  cuneiform  tablets  of  Tel-el- 
Amarna  under  the  name  of  Beruta  of  Beruna,  "the 
cisterns."  It  was  already  a  seaport  of  Phoenicia,  and 
a  halting-place  on  the  high  road  that  ran  along  the 

The  coastland  was  known  to  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  as  Phoenicia,  "the  land  of  the  palm."  But 
its  own  inhabitants  called  it  Canaan,  "the  lowlands." 
It  included  not  only  the  fringe  of  cultivated  land  by 
the  sea-shore,  but  the  western  slopes  of  the  Lebanon 
as  well.  Phoenician  colonies  and  outposts  had  been 
planted  inland,  far  away  from  the  coast,  as  at  Laish, 
the  future  Dan,  where  ''the  people  dwelt  careless," 
though  "they  were  far  away  from  the  Sidonians,"  or 
at  Zemar  (the  modern  Sumra)  and  Arka  (still  called 
by  the  same  name).  The  territory  of  the  Phoenicians 
stretched  southward  as  far  as  Dor  (now  Tanturah), 
where  it  met  the  advance  guard  of  the  Philistines. 

Such  was  Palestine,  the  promised  home  of  Israel. 
It  was  a  land  of  rugged  and  picturesque  mountains, 
interspersed  with  a  few  tracts  of  fertile  country,  shut 
in  between  the  sea  and  the  ravine  of  the  Jordan,  and 
falling  away  into  the  waterless  desert  of  the  south.  It 
was,  too,  a  land  of  small  extent,  hardly  more  than 
one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  in  length  and  sixty  miles 
in  width.  And  even  this  amount  of  territory  was 
possessed  by  the  Israelites  only  during  the  reigns  of 
David  and  Solomon.  The  sea-coast  with  its  harbours 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  Phoenicians  and  the  Philis- 
tines, and  though  the  Philistines  at  one  time  owned 
an    unwilling    allegiance    to    the    Jewish    king,    the 

THE    LAND  23 

Phoenicians  preserved  their  independence,  and  even 
Solomon  had  to  find  harbours  for  his  merchantmen, 
not  on  the  coast  of  his  own  native  kingdom,  but  in 
the  distant  Edomite  ports  of  Eloth  and  Ezion-geber, 
in  the  Gulf  of  Aqabah.  With  the  loss  of  Edom  Judah 
ceased  to  have  a  foreign  trade. 

The  Negeb,  or  desert  of  the  south,  was  then,  what 
it  still  is,  the  haunt  of  robbers  and  marauders.  The 
Beduin  of  to-day  are  the  Amalekites  of  Old  Testament 
history;  and  then,  as  now,  they  infested  the  southern 
frontier  of  Judah,  wasting  and  robbing  the  fields  of 
the  husbandman,  and  allying  themselves  with  every 
invader  who  came  from  the  south.  Saul,  indeed, 
punished  them,  as  Romans  and  Turks  have  punished 
them  since;  but  the  lesson  is  remembered  only  for  a 
short  while  :  when  the  strong  hand  is  removed,  the 
"sons  of  the  desert"  return  again  like  the  locusts  to 
their  prey. 

It  is  true  that  the  Beduin  now  range  over  the  loamy 
plains  and  encamp  among  the  marshes  of  Lake  Huleh, 
where  in  happier  times  their  presence  was  unknown. 
But  this  is  the  result  of  a  weak  and  corrupt  govern- 
ment, added  to  the  depopulation  of  the  lowlands. 
There  are  traces  even  in  the  Old  Testament  that  in 
periods  of  anarchy  and  confusion  the  Amalekites 
penetrated  far  into  the  country  in  a  similar  fashion. 
In  the  Song  of  Deborah  and  Barak,  Ephraim  is  said 
to  have  contended  against  them',  and  accordingly 
"Pirathon  in  the  land  of  Ephraim"  is  described  as 
being  "in  the  mount  of  the  Amalekites"  (Judges  xii. 
15).  In  the  cuneiform  tablets  of  Tel  el-Amarna,  too, 
there  is  frequent  mention  of  the  "Plunderers"  by 
whom  the  Beduin,  the  Shasu  of  the  Egyptian  texts, 
must  be  meant,  and  who  seem  to  have  been  generally 


ready  at  hand  to  assist  a  rebellious  vassal  or  take  part 
in  a  civil  feud. 

Lebanon  the  "white"  mountain,  took  its  name  from 
its  cliffs  of  glistening  limestone.  In  the  early  days  of 
Canaan  it  was  believed  to  be  the  habitation  of  the 
gods,  and  Phoenician  inscriptions  exist  dedicated  to 
Baal-Lebanon,  "the  Baal  of  Lebanon."  He  was  the 
special  form  of  the  Sun-god  whose  seat  was  in  the 
mountain-ranges  that  shut  in  Phoenicia  on  the  east, 
and  whose  spirit  was  supposed  to  dwell  in  some 
mysterious  way  in  the  mountains  themselves.  But 
there  were  certain  peaks  which  lifted  themselves  up 
prominently  to  heaven,  and  in  which  consequently  the 
sanctity  of  the  whole  range  was  as  it  were  concen- 
trated. It  was  upon  their  summits  that  the  worshipper 
felt  himself  peculiarly  near  the  God  of  heaven,  and 
where  therefore  the  altar  was  built  and  the  sacrifice 
performed.  One  of  these  peaks  was  Hermon,  "the 
consecrated,"  whose  name  the  Greeks  changed  into 
Harmonia,  the  wife  of  Agenor  the  Phoenician.  From 
its  top  we  can  see  Palestine  spread  as  it  were  before 
us,  and  stretching  southwards  to  the  mountains  of 
Judah.  The  walls  of  the  temple,  which  in  Greek  times 
took  the  place  of  the  primitive  altar,  can  still  be  traced 
there,  and  on  its  slopes,  or  perched  above  its  ravines, 
are  the  ruins  of  other  temples  of  Baal — at  Der  el- 
'Ashair,  at  Rakleh,  at  Ain  Hersha,  at  Rasheyat 
el-Fukhar— all  pointing  towards  the  central  sanctuary 
on  the  summit  of  the  mountain. 

The  name  of  Hermon,  "the  consecrated,"  was  but 
an  epithet,  and  the  mountain  had  other  and  more 
special  names  of  its  own.  The  Sidonians,  we  are  told 
(Deut.  iii.  9),  called  it  Sirion,  and  another  of  its  titles 
was  Sion  (Deut.  iv.  48),  unless  indeed  this  is  a  corrupt 

THE    LAND  25 

reading  for  Sirion.  Its  Amorite  name  was  Shenir 
(Deut.  iii.  9),  which  appears  as  Saniru  in  an  Assyrian 
inscription,  and  goes  back  to  the  earliest  dawn  of 
history.  When  the  Babylonians  first  began  to  make 
expeditions  against  the  West,  long  before  the  birth  of 
Abraham,  the  name  of  Sanir  was  already  known.  It 
was  then  used  to  denote  the  whole  of  Syria,  so  that 
its  restriction  to  Mount  Hermon  alone  must  have  been 
of  later  date. 

Another  holy  peak  was  Carmel,  "the  fruitful  field," 
or  perhaps  originally  "the  domain  of  the  god."  It 
was  in  Mount  Carmel  that  the  mountain  ranges  of  the 
north  ended  finally,  and  the  altar  on  its  summit  could 
be  seen  from  afar  by  the  Phoenician  sailors.  Here  the 
priests  of  Baal  called  in  vain  upon  their  god  that  he 
might  send  them  rain,  and  here  was  "the  altar  of  the 
Lord  "  which  Elijah  repaired. 

The  mountains  of  the  south  present  no  striking  peak 
or  headland  like  Hermon  and  Carmel.  Even  Tabor 
belongs  to  the  north.  Ebal  and  Gerizim  alone,  above 
Shechem,  stand  out  among  their  fellows,  and  were 
venerated  as  the  abodes  of  deity  from  the  earliest 
times.  The  temple-hill  at  Jerusalem  owed  its  sanctity 
rather  to  the  city  within  the  boundaries  of  which  it 
stood  than  to  its  own  character.  In  fact,  the  neigh- 
bouring height  of  Zion  towered  above  it.  The  moun- 
tains of  the  south  were  rather  highlands  than  lofty 
chains  and  isolated  peaks. 

But  on  this  very  account  they  played  an  important 
part  in  the  history  of  the  world.  They  were  not  too 
high  to  be  habitable;  they  were  high  enough  to 
protect  their  inhabitants  against  invasion  and  war. 
"Mount  Ephraim,"  the  block  of  mountainous  land  of 
which  Shechem  and  Samaria  formed  the  centre,  and 


at  the  southern  extremity  of  which  the  sacred  city  of 
Shiloh  stood,  was  the  natural  nucleus  of  a  kingdom, 
like  the  southern  block  of  which  Hebron  and  Jerusa- 
lem were  similarly  the  capitals.  Here  there  were 
valleys  and  uplands  in  which  sufficient  food  could  be 
grown  for  the  needs  of  the  population,  while  the  cities 
with  their  thick  and  lofty  walls  were  strongholds  diffi- 
cult to  approach  and  still  more  difficult  to  capture. 
The  climate  was  bracing,  though  the  winters  were 
cold,  and  it  reared  a  race  of  hardy  warriors  and  indus- 
trious agriculturists.  The  want  of  water  was  the  only 
difficulty ;  in  most  cases  the  people  were  dependent 
on  rain-water,  which  they  preserved  in  cisterns  cut 
out  of  the  rock. 

This  block  of  southern  mountains  was  the  first  and 
latest  stronghold  of  Israel.  In  constituted,  in  fact, 
the  kingdoms  of  Samaria  and  Judah.  Out  of  it,  at 
Shechem,  came  the  first  attempt  to  found  a  monarchy 
in  Israel,  and  thus  unite  the  Israelitish  tribes;  out  of 
it  also  came  the  second  and  more  successful  attempt 
under  Saul  the  Benjamite  and  David  the  Jew.  The 
Israelites  never  succeeded  in  establishing  themselves 
on  the  sea-coast,  and  their  possession  of  the  plain  of 
Megiddo  and  the  southern  slopes  of  the  Lebanon  was 
a  source  of  weakness  and  not  of  strength.  It  led 
eventually  to  the  overthrow  of  the  kingdom  of 
Samaria.  The  northern  tribes  in  Galilee  were 
absorbed  by  the  older  population,  and  their  country 
became  "Galilee  of  the  Gentiles,"  rather  than  an 
integral  part  of  Israel.  The  plain  of  Megiddo  was 
long  held  by  the  Canaanites,  and  up  to  the  last  was 
exposed  to  invasion  from  the  sea-coast.  It  was,  in 
fact,  the  battle-field  of  Palestine.  The  army  of  the 
invader  or  the  conqueror  marched  along  the  edge  of 

THE    LAND  27 

the  sea,  not  through  the  rugged  paths  and  dangerous 
defiles  of  the  mountainous  interior,  and  the  plain  of 
Megiddo  was  the  pass  which  led  them  into  its  midst. 
The  possession  of  the  plain  cut  off  the  mountaineers 
of  the  north  from  their  brethren  in  the  south,  and 
opened  the  way  into  the  heart  of  the  mountains  them- 

But  to  possess  the  plain  was  also  to  possess  chariots 
and  horsemen,  and  a  large  and  disciplined  force.  The 
guerilla  warfare  of  the  mountaineer  was  here  of  no 
avail.  Success  lay  on  the  side  of  the  more  numerous 
legions  and  the  wealthier  state,  on  the  side  of  the 
assailant  and  not  of  the  assailed. 

Herein  lay  the  advantage  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah. 
It  was  a  compact  state,  with  no  level  plain  to  defend, 
no  outlying  territories  to  protect.  Its  capital  stood 
high  upon  the  mountains,  strongly  fortified  by  nature 
and  difficult  of  access.  While  Samaria  fell  hopelessly 
and  easily  before  the  armies  of  Assyria,  Jerusalem 
witnessed  the  fall  of  Nineveh  itself. 

What  was  true  of  the  later  days  of  Israelitish  history 
was  equally  true  of  the  age  of  the  patriarchs.  The 
strength  of  Palestine  lay  in  its  southern  highlands ; 
whoever  gained  possession  of  these  was  master  of  the 
whole  country,  and  the  road  lay  open  before  him  to 
Sinai  and  Egypt.  But  to  gain  possession  of  them  was 
the  difficulty,  and  campaign  after  campaign  was 
needed  before  they  could  be  reduced  to  quiet  sub- 
mission. In  the  time  of  the  eighteenth  Egyptian 
dynasty  Jerusalem  was  already  the  key  to  Southern 

Geographically,  Palestine  was  thus  a  country  of 
twofold  character,  and  its  population  was  necessarily 
twofold  as  well.    It  was  a  land  of  mountain  and  plain, 


of  broken  highlands  and  rocky  sea-coast.  Its  people 
were  partly  mountaineers,  active,  patriotic,  and  poor, 
with  a  tendency  to  asceticism ;  parly  a  nation  of  sailors 
and  merchants,  industrious,  wealthy,  and  luxurious, 
with  no  sense  of  country  or  unity,  and  accounting 
riches  the  supreme  end  of  life.  On  the  one  hand,  it 
gave  the  world  its  first  lessons  in  maritime  exploration 
and  trade ;  on  the  other  it  has  been  the  religious 
teacher  of  mankind. 

In  both  respects  its  geographical  position  has  aided 
the  work  of  its  people.  Situated  midway  between  the 
two  great  empires  of  the  ancient  Oriental  world,  it 
was  at  once  the  high  road  and  the  meeting-place  of 
the  civilizations  of  Egypt  and  Babylonia.  Long 
before  Abraham  migrated  to  Canaan  it  had  been 
deeply  interpenetrated  by  Babylonian  culture  and 
religious  ideas,  and  long  before  the  Exodus  it  had 
become  an  Egyptian  province.  It  barred  the  way  to 
Egypt  for  the  invader  from  Asia;  it  protected  Asia 
from  Egyptian  assault.  The  trade  of  the  world  passed 
through  it  and  met  it  in ;  the  merchants  of  Egypt  and 
Ethiopia  could  traffic  in  Palestine  with  the  traders  of 
Babylonia  and  the  far  East.  It  was  destined  by  nature 
to  be  a  land  of  commerce  and  trade. 

And  yet  while  thus  forming  a  highway  from  the 
civilization  of  the  Euphrates  to  that  of  the  Nile,  Pales- 
tine was  too  narrow  a  strip  of  country  to  become  itself 
a  formidable  kingdom.  The  empire  of  David  scarcely 
lasted  for  more  than  a  single  generation,  and  was  due 
to  the  weakness  at  the  same  time  of  both  Egypt  and 
Assyria.  With  the  Arabian  desert  on  the  one  side 
and  the  Mediterranean  on  the  other,  it  was  impossible 
for  Canaan  to  develop  into  a  great  state.  Its  rocks 
and  mountains  might  produce  a  race  of  hardy  warriors 

THE    LAND  29 

and  energetic  thinkers,  but  they  could  not  create  a 
rich  and  populous  community.  The  Phoenicians  on 
the  coast  were  driven  towards  the  sea,  and  had  to  seek 
in  maritime  enterprise  the  food  and  wealth  which  their 
own  land  refused  to  grant.  Palestine  was  essentially 
formed  to  be  the  appropriator  and  carrier  of  the  ideas 
and  culture  of  others,  not  to  be  itself  their  origin  and 

But  when  the  ideas  had  once  been  brought  to  it  they 
were  modified  and  combined,  improved  and  general- 
ized in  a  way  that  made  them  capable  of  universal 
acceptance.  Phoenician  art  is  in  no  way  original ;  its 
elements  have  been  drawn  partly  from  Babylonia, 
partly  from  Egypt;  but  their  combination  was  the 
work  of  the  Phoenicians,  and  it  was  just  this  com- 
bination which  became  the  heritage  of  civilized  man. 
The  religion  of  Israel  came  from  the  wilderness,  from 
the  heights  of  Sinai  and  the  palm-grove  of  Kadesh, 
but  it  was  in  Palestine  that  it  took  shape  and  devel- 
oped, until  in  the  fullness  of  time  the  Messiah  was 
born.  Out  of  Canaan  have  come  the  Prophets  and 
the  Gospel,  but  the  Law  which  lay  behind  them  was 
brought  from  elsewhere. 



In  the  days  .of  Abraham,  Chedor-laomer,  king  of 
Elam  and  lord  over  the  kings  of  Babylonia,  marched 
westward  with  his  Babylonian  allies,  in  order  to 
punish  his  rebellious  subjects  in  Canaan.  The  in- 
vading army  entered  Palestine  from  the  eastern  side 
of  the  Jordan.  Instead  of  marching  along  the  sea- 
coast,  it  took  the  line  of  the  valley  of  the  Jordan.  It 
first  attacked  the  plateau  of  Bashan,  and  then  smote 
"the  Rephaim  in  Ashteroth  Karnaim,  and  the  Zuzim 
in  Ham,  and  the  Emim  in  the  plain  of  Kiriathaim." 
Then  it  passed  into  Mount  Seir,  and  subjugated  the 
Horites  as  far  as  El-Paran  "by  the  wilderness." 
Thence  it  turned  northward  again  through  the  oasis 
of  En-mishpat  or  Kadesh-barnea,  and  after  smiting 
the  Amalekite  Beduin,  as  well  as  the  Amorites  in 
Hazezon-tamar,  made  its  way  into  the  vale  of  Siddim. 
There  the  battle  took  place  which  ended  in  the  defeat 
of  the  king  of  Sodom  and  his  allies,  who  were  carried 
away  captive  to  the  north.  But  at  Hobah,  "on  the 
left  hand  of  Damascus,"  the  invaders  were  overtaken 
by  " Abram  the  Hebrew,"  who  dwelt  with  his  Amorite 
confederates  in  the  plain  of  Mamre,  and  the  spoil  they 
had  seized  was  recovered  from  them. 

The  narrative  gives  us  a  picture  of  the  geography 

and  ethnology  of  Palestine  as  it  was  at  the  beginning 

of  the  Patriarchal  Age.     Before  that  age  was  over  it 

had  altered  very  materially;  the  old  cities  for  the  most 


THE    PEOPLE  31 

part  still  remained,  but  new  races  had  taken  the  place 
of  the  older  ones,  new  kingdoms  had  arisen,  and  the 
earlier  landmarks  had  been  displaced.  The  Amalekite 
alone  continued  what  he  had  always  been,  the  un- 
tamable nomad  of  the  southern  desert. 

Rephaim  or  "Giants  "  was  a  general  epithet  applied 
to  the  prehistoric  population  of  the  country.  Og,  king 
of  Bashan  in  the  time  of  the  Exodus,  was  "of  the 
remnant  of  the  Rephaim"  (Deut.  iii.  u);  but  so  also 
were  the  Anakim  in  Hebron,  the  Emim  in  Moab,  and 
the  Zamzummim  in  Ammon  (Deut.  ii.  [I,  20).  Doubt- 
less they  represented  a  tall  race  in  comparison  with 
the  Hebrews  and  Arabs  of  the  desert ;  and  the  Israel- 
itish  spies  described  themselves  as  grasshoppers 
by  the  side  of  them  (Numb.  xiii.  33).  It  is  possible, 
however,  that  the  name  was  really  an  ethnic  one, 
which  had  only  an  accidental  similarity  in  sound 
to  the  Hebrew  word  for  "giants."  At  all  events,  in 
the  list  of  conquered  Canaanitish  towns  which  the 
Pharaoh  Thothmes  III.  of  Egypt  caused  to  be  en- 
graved on  the  walls  of  Karnak,  the  name  of  Astartu 
or  Ashteroth  Karnaim  is  followed  by  that  of 
Anaurepa,  in  which  Mr.  Tomkins  proposes  to  see 
On-Repha,  "On  of  the  Giant(s)."  In  the  close  neigh- 
bourhood in  classical  days  stood  Raphon  or  Raphana, 
Arpha  of  the  Dekapolis,  now  called  Er-Rafeh,  and  in 
Raphon  it  is  difficult  not  to  discern  a  reminiscence  of 
the  Rephaim  of  Genesis. 

Did  these  Rephaim  belong  to  the  same  race  as  the 
Emim  and  the  Anakim,  or  were  the  latter  called 
Rephaim  or  "  Giants "  merely  because  they  repre- 
sented the  tall  prehistoric  population  of  Canaan? 
The  question  can  be  more  easily  asked  than  answered. 
We  know  from  the  Book  of  Genesis  that  Amorites  as 


well  as  Hittites  lived  at  Hebron,  or  in  its  immediate 
vicinity.  Abram  dwelt  in  the  plain  of  Mamre  along 
with  three  Amorite  chieftains,  and  Hoham,  king  of 
Hebron,  who  fought  against  Joshua,  is  accounted 
among  the  Amorites  (Josh  x.  i).  The  Anakim  may 
therefore  have  been  an  Amorite  tribe.  They  held 
themselves  to  be  the  descendants  of  Anak,  an  ancient 
Canaanite  god,  whose  female  counterpart  was  the 
Phoenician  goddess  Onka.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  Amorites  at  Hebron  may  have  been  intruders ;  we 
know  that  Hebron  was  peculiarly  a  Hittite  city,  and 
it  is  at  Mamre  rather  than  at  Hebron  that  the  Amorite 
confederates  of  Abram  had  their  home.  It  is  equally 
possible  that  the  Anakim  themselves  may  have  been 
the  stranger  element;  we  hear  nothing  about  them  in 
the  days  of  the  Patriarchs,  and  it  is  only  when  the 
Israelites  prepare  to  enter  Canaan  that  they  first  make 
their  appearance  upon  the  stage. 

Og,  king  of  Bashan,  however,  was  an  Amorite;  of 
this  we  are  assured  in  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy 
(iii.  8),  and  it  is  further  said  of  him  that  he  only 
"remained  of  the  remnant  of  Rephaim."  The  expres- 
sion is  a  noticeable  one,  as  it  implies  that  the  older 
population  had  been  for  the  most  part  driven  out. 
And  such,  in  fact,  was  the  case.  At  Rabbath,  the 
capital  of  Ammon,  the  basalt  sarcophagus  of  the  last 
king  of  Bashan  was  preserved ;  but  the  king  and  his 
people  had  alike  perished.  Ammonites  and  Israelites 
had  taken  their  place. 

The  children  of  Ammon  had  taken  possession  of 
the  land  once  owned  by  the  Zamzummim  (Deut.  ii. 
20).  The  latter  are  called  Zuzim  in  the  narrative  of 
Genesis,  and  they  are  said  to  have  dwelt  in  Ham. 
But  Zuzim  and  Ham  are  merely  faulty  transcriptions 

THE    PEOPLE  33 

from  a  cuneiform  text  of  the  Hebrew  Zamzummim 
and  Ammon,  and  the  same  people  are  meant  both  in 
Genesis  and  in  Deuteronomy.  In  Deuteronomy  also 
the  Emim  are  mentioned,  and  their  geographical 
position  defined.  They  were  the  predecessors  of  the 
Moabites,  and  like  the  Zamzummim,  "a  people  great 
and  many  and  tall,"  whom  the  Moabites  expelled 
doubtless  at  the  same  time  as  that  at  which  the  Am- 
monites conquered  the  Zamzummim.  The  "plain  of 
Kiriathaim,"  or  "the  two  cities,"  must  have  lain  south 
of  the  Arnon,  where  Ar  and  Kir  Haraseth  were  built. 

South  of  the  Emim,  in  the  rose-red  mountains  of 
Seir,  afterwards  occupied  by  the  Edomites,  came*  the 
Horites,  whose  name  is  generally  supposed  to  be 
derived  from  a  Hebrew  word  signifying  "a  cave." 
They  have  therefore  been  regarded  as  Troglodytes,  or 
cave-dwellers,  a  savage  race  of  men  who  possessed 
neither  houses  nor  settled  home.  But  it  is  quite  pos- 
sible to  connect  the  name  with  another  word  which 
means  "white,"  and  to  see  in  them  the  representatives 
of  a  white  race.  The  name  of  Hor  is  associated  with 
Beth-lehem,  and  Caleb,  of  the  Edomite  tribe  of 
Kenaz,  is  called  "the  son  of  Hur  "  (i  Chron.  ii.  50, 
iv.  4).  There  is  no  reason  for  believing  that  cave- 
dwellers  ever  existed  in  that  part  of  Palestine. 

The  discovery  of  the  site  of  Kadesh-barnea  is  due 
in  the  first  instance  to  Dr.  Rowlands,  secondly  to  the 
archaeological  skill  of  Dr.  Clay  Trumbull.  It  is  still 
known  as  'Ain  Qadis,  "the  spring  of  Qadis,"  and 
lies  hidden  within  the  block  of  mountains  which  rise 
in  the  southern  desert  about  midway  between  Mount 
Seir  and  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  The  water  still 
gushes  out  of  the  rock,  fresh  and  clear,  and  nourishes 
the  oasis  that  surrounds  it.  It  has  been  marked  out 


by  nature  to  be  a  meeting-place  and  "sanctuary"  of 
the  desert  tribes.  Its  central  position,  its  security 
from  sudden  attack,  and  its  abundant  supply  of  water 
all  combined  to  make  it  the  En-Mishpat  or  "Spring 
of  Judgment,"  where  cases  were  tried  and  laws 
enacted.  It  was  here  that  the  Israelites  lingered  year 
after  year  during  their  wanderings  in  the  wilderness, 
and  it  was  from  hence  that  the  spies  were  sent  out  to 
explore  the  Promised  Land.  In  those  days  the  moun- 
tains which  encircled  it  were  known  as  "the  mountains 
of  the  Amorites  "  (Deut.  i.  19,  20).  In  the  age  of  the 
Babylonian  invasion,  however,  the  Amorites  had  not 
advanced  so  far  to  the  south.  They  were  as  yet  only 
at  Hazezon-tamar,  the  "palm-grove"  on  the  western 
shore  of  the  Dead  Sea,  which  a  later  generation  called 
En-gedi  (2  Chron.  xx.  2).  En-Mishpat  was  still  in 
the  hands  of  the  Amalekites,  the  lords  of  "all  the 
country  "  round  about. 

The  Amalekites  had  not  as  yet  intermingled  with 
the  Ishmaelites,  and  their  Beduin  blood  was  still 
pure.  They  were  the  Shasu  or  "Plunderers"  of  the 
Egyptian  inscriptions,  sometimes  also  termed  the 
Sitti,  the  Sute  of  the  cuneiform  texts.  Like  their 
modern  descendants,  they  lived  by  the  plunder  of 
their  more  peaceful  neighbours.  As  was  prophesied 
of  Ishmael,  so  could  it  have  been  prophesied  of  the 
Amalekites,  that  their  "hand  should  be  against  every 
man,  and  every  man's  hand  against"  them.  They 
were  the  wild  offspring  of  the  wilderness,  and 
accounted  the  first-born  of  mankind  (Numb.  xxiv.  20). 

From  En-Mishpat  the  Babylonian  forces  marched 
northward  along  the  western  edge  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
Leaving  Jerusalem  on  their  left,  they  descended  into 
the  vale  of  Siddim,  where  they  found  themselves  in 

THE    PEOPLE  35 

the  valley  of  the  Jordan,  and  consequently  in  the  land 
of  the  Canaanites.  As  we  are  told  in  the  Book  of 
Numbers  (xiii.  29),  while  "the  Amalekites  dwell  in  the 
land  of  the  south,  and  the  Hittites  and  the  Jebusites 
and  Amorites  in  the  mountains,  the  Canaanites  dwell 
by  the  sea  and  by  the  coast  of  Jordan." 

The  word  Canaan,  as  we  have  seen,  meant  "the 
lowlands,"  and  appears  sometimes  in  a  longer,  some- 
times in  a  shorter  form.  The  shorter  form  is  written 
Khna  by  the  Greeks  :  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets 
it  is  Kinakhkhi,  while  Canaan,  the  longer  form,  is 
Kinakhna.  It  is  this  longer  form  which  alone  appears 
in  the  hieroglyphic  texts.  Here  we  read  how  Seti  I. 
destroyed  the  Shasu  or  Amalekites  from  the  eastern 
frontier  of  Egypt  to  "the  land  of  Kana'an,"  and 
captured  their  fortress  of  the  same  name,  which  Col. 
Conder  has  identified  with  Khurbet  Kan'an  near 
Hebron.  It  was  also  the  longer  form  which  was  pre- 
served among  the  Israelites  as  well  as  among  the 
Phoenicians,  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  sea-coast. 
Coins  of  Laodicea,  on  the  Orontes,  bear  the  inscrip- 
tion, "Laodicea  a  metropolis  in  Canaan,"  and  St. 
Augustine  states  that  in  his  time  the  Carthaginian 
peasantry  of  Northern  Africa,  if  questioned  as  to  their 
descent,  still  answered  that  they  were  "Canaanites." 
(Exp.  Epist.  ad  Rom.  13.) 

In  course  of  time  the  geographical  signification  of 
the  name  came  to  be  widely  extended  beyond  its 
original  limits.  Just  as  Philistia,  the  district  of  the 
Philistines,  became  the  comprehensive  Palestine,  so 
Canaan,  the  land  of  the  Canaanites  of  the  coast  and 
the  valley,  came  to  denote  the  whole  of  the  country 
between  the  Jordan^  and  the  sea.  It  is  already  used 
in  this  sense  in  the  cuneiform  correspondence  of  Tel 
c  2 


el-Amarna.  Already  in  the  century  before  the  Exodus 
Kinakhna  or  Canaan  represented  pretty  nearly  all 
that  we  now  mean  by  "Palestine."  It  was,  in  fact,  the 
country  to  the  south  of  "the  land  of  the  Amorites;  " 
"the  land  of  the  Amorites"  lay  immediately  to  the 
north  of  the  Waters  of  Merom. 

In  the  geographical  table  in  the  tenth  chapter  of 
Genesis  Canaan  is  stated  to  be  the  son  of  Ham  and 
the  brother  of  Mizraim  or  Egypt.  The  statement 
indicates  the  age  to  which  the  account  must  go  back. 
There  was  only  one  period  of  history  in  which  Canaan 
could  be  geographically  described  as  a  brother  of 
Egypt,  and  that  was  the  period  of  the  eighteenth  and 
nineteenth  dynasties,  when  for  a  while  it  was  a  pro- 
vince of  the  Pharaohs.  At  no  other  time  was  it  closely 
connected  with  the  sons  of  Ham.  At  an  earlier  epoch 
its  relations  had  been  with  Babylonia  rather  than  with 
the  valley  of  the  Nile,  and  with  the  fall  of  the  nine- 
teenth dynasty  the  Asiatic  empire  of  Egypt  came 
finally  to  an  end. 

The  city  of  Sidon,  we  are  further  told,  was  the  first- 
born of  Canaan.  It  claimed  to  be  the  oldest  of  the 
Phoenician  cities  in  the  "lowlands"  of  the  coast.  It 
had  grown  out  of  an  assemblage  of  "fishermen's" 
huts,  and  Said,  the  god  of  the  fishermen,  continued  to 
preside  over  it  to  the  last.  The  fishermen  became  in 
time  sailors  and  merchant-princes,  and  the  fish  for 
which  they  sought  was  the  murex  with  its  precious 
purple  dye.  Tyre,  the  city  of  the  "rock,"  which  in 
later  days  disputed  the  supremacy  over  Phoenicia  with 
Sidon,  was  of  younger  foundation.  Herodotus  was 
told  that  the  great  temple  of  Baal  Melkarth,  "the  city's 
king,"  which  he  saw  there,  had  been  built  twenty- 
three  centuries  before  his  visit.     But  Sidon  was  still 

THE    PEOPLE  37 

older,  older  even  than  Gebal,  the  sacred  city  of  the 
goddess  Baaltis. 

The  wider  extension  of  the  name  of  Canaan  brought 
with  it  other  geographical  relationships  besides  those 
of  the  sea-coast.  Hittites  and  Amorites,  Jebusites  and 
Girgashites,  Hivites  and  the  peoples  of  the  southern 
Lebanon,  were  all  settled  within  the  limits  of  the 
larger  Canaan,  and  were  therefore  accounted  his  sons. 
Even  Hamath  claimed  the  right  to  be  included  in  the 
brotherhood.  It  is  said  with  truth  that  "afterwards 
were  the  families  of  the  Canaanites  spread  abroad." 

Hittites  and  Amorites  were  interlocked  both  in  the 
north  and  in  the  south.  Kadesh,  on  the  Orontes,  the 
southern  stronghold  of  the  Hittite  kingdom  of  the 
north,  was,  as  the  Egyptian  records  tell  us,  in  the 
land  of  the  Amorites;  while  in  the  south  Hittites  and 
Amorites  were  mingled  together  at  Hebron,  and 
Ezekiel  (xvi.  3)  declares  that  Jerusalem  had  a  double 
parentage  :  its  birth  was  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  but 
its  father  was  an  Amorite  and  its  mother  a  Hittite. 
Modern  research,  however,  has  shown  that  Hittites 
and  Amorites  were  races  widely  separated  in  character 
and  origin.  About  the  Hittites  we  hear  a  good  deal 
both  in  the  hieroglyphic  and  in  the  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions. The  Khata  of  the  Egyptian  texts  were  the 
most  formidable  power  of  Western  Asia  with  whom 
the  Egyptians  of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth 
dynasties  had  to  deal.  They  were  tribes  of  mountain- 
eers from  the  ranges  of  the  Taurus  who  had  descended 
on  the  plains  of  Syria  and  established  themselves  there 
in  the  midst  of  an  Aramaic  population.  Carchemish 
on  the  Euphrates  became  one  of  their  Syrian  capitals, 
commanding  the  high-road  of  commerce  and  war  from 
east  to  west.    Thothmes  III.,  the  conqueror  of  West- 


ern  Asia,  boasts  of  the  gifts  he  received  from  "the 
land  of  Khata  the  greater,"  so  called,  it  would  seem, 
to  distinguish  it  from  another  and  lesser  land  of  Khata 
— that  of  the  Hittites  of  the  south. 

The  cuneiform  tablets  of  Tel  el-Amarna,  in  the 
closing  days  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  represent  the 
Hittites  as  advancing  steadily  southward  and  men- 
acing the  Syrian  possessions  of  the  Pharaoh.  Dis- 
affected Amorites  and  Canaanites  looked  to  them  for 
help,  and  eventually  "the  land  of  the  Amorites"  to 
the  north  of  Palestine  fell  into  their  possession.  When 
the  first  Pharaohs  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty  attempted 
to  recover  the  Egyptian  empire  in  Asia,  they  found 
themselves  confronted  by  the  most  formidable  of 
antagonists.  Against  Kadesh  and  "the  great  king  of 
the  Hittites"  the  Egyptian  forces  were  driven  in  vain, 
and  after  twenty  years  of  warfare  Ramses  II.,  the 
Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression,  was  fain  to  consent  to 
peace.  A  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive, 
was  drawn  up  between  the  two  rivals,  and  Egypt  was 
henceforth  compelled  to  treat  with  the  Hittites  on 
equal  terms. 

The  Khatta  or  Khata  of  the  Assyrian  inscriptions 
are  already  a  decaying  power.  They  are  broken  into 
a  number  of  separate  states  of  kingdoms,  of  which 
Carchemish  is  the  richest  and  most  important.  They 
are,  in  fact,  in  retreat  towards  those  mountains  of  Asia 
Minor  from  which  they  had  originally  issued  forth. 
But  they  still  hold  their  ground  in  Syria  for  a  long 
while.  There  were  Hittites  at  Kadesh  in  the  reign  of 
David,  Hittite  kings  could  lend  their  services  to  Israel 
in  the  age  of  Elisha  (2  Kings  vii.  6),  and  it  was  not 
till  717  B.C.  that  Carchemish  was  captured  by  Sargon 
of  Assyria,  and  the  trade  which  passed  through  it 

THE    PEOPLE  39 

diverted  to  Nineveh.  But  when  the  Assyrians  first 
became  acquainted  with  the  coastland  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, the  Hittites  were  to  such  an  extent  the  ruling 
race  there  that  they  gave  their  name  to  the  whole  dis- 
trict. Like  "Palestine,"  or  "Canaan,"  the  term  "land 
of  the  Hittites"  came  to  denote  among  the  Assyrians, 
not  only  Northern  Syria  and  the  Lebanon,  but  South- 
ern Syria  as  well.  Even  Ahab  of  Israel  and  Baasha 
the  Ammonite  are  included  by  Shalmaneser  II.  among 
its  kings. 

This  extended  use  of  the  name  among  the  Assyrians 
is  illustrated  by  the  existence  of  a  Hittite  tribe  at 
Hebron  in  the  extreme  south  of  Palestine.  Various 
attempts  have  been  made  to  get  rid  of  the  latter  by 
unbelieving  critics,  but  the  statements  of  Genesis  are 
corroborated  by  Ezekiel's  account  of  the  foundation 
of  Jerusalem.  They  are,  moreover,  in  full  harmony 
with  the  monumental  records.  As  we  have  seen, 
Thothmes  III.  implies  that  already  in  his  day  there 
was  a  second  and  smaller  land  of  the  Hittites,  and 
the  great  Babylonian  work  on  astronomy  contains 
references  to  the  Hittites  which  go  back  to  the  age 
of  Abraham. 

Assyrian  and  Babylonian  texts  are  not  the  only 
cuneiform  records  which  make  mention  of  the 
"  Khata  "  or  Hittites.  Their  name  is  found  also  on 
the  monuments  of  the  kings  of  Ararat  or  Armenia 
who  reigned  in  the  ninth  and  eighth  centuries  before 
our  era,  and  who  had  borrowed  from  Nineveh  the 
cuneiform  system  of  writing.  But  the  Khata  of  these 
Vannic  or  Armenian  texts  lived  considerably  to  the 
north  of  the  Hittites  of  the  Bible  and  of  the  Egyptian 
and  Assyrian  monuments.  The  country  they  in- 
habited lay  in  eastern  Asia  Minor  in  the  neighbour- 


hood  of  the  modern  Malatiyeh.     Here,   in  fact,  was 
their  original  home. 

Thanks  to  the  Egyptian  artists,  we  are  well 
acquainted  with  the  Hittite  physical  type.  It  was 
not  handsome.  The  nose  was  unduly  protrusive, 
while  the  chin  and  the  forehead  retreated.  The  cheeks 
were  square,  with  prominent  bones,  and  the  face  was 
beardless.  In  colour  the  Hittites  were  yellow-skinned, 
with  black  hair  and  eyes.  They  seem  to  have  worn 
their  hair  in  three  long  plaits  which  fell  over  the  back 
like  the  pigtail  of  a  Chinaman,  and  they  were  dis- 
tinguished by  the  use  of  boots  with  upturned  toes. 

We  might  perhaps  imagine  that  the  Egyptian 
artists  have  caricatured  their  adversaries.  But  this  is 
not  the  case.  Precisely  the  same  profile  of  face,  some- 
times even  exaggerated  in  its  ugliness,  is  represented 
on  the  Hittite  monuments  by  the  native  sculptors 
themselves.  It  is  one  of  the  surest  proofs  we  possess 
that  these  monuments,  with  their  still  undeciphered 
inscriptions,  are  of  Hittite  origin.  They  belong  to 
the  people  whom  Israelites,  Egyptians,  Assyrians, 
and  Armenians  united  in  calling  Hittites. 

In  marked  contrast  to  the  Hittites  stood  the  Amor- 
ites.  They,  too,  are  depicted  on  the  walls  of  the 
Egyptian  temples  and  tombs.  While  the  Hittite  type 
of  features  is  Mongoloid,  that  of  the  Amorite  is 
European.  His  nose  is  straight  and  somewhat 
pointed,  his  lips  and  nostrils  thin,  his  cheek-bones 
high,  his  mouth  firm  and  regular,  his  forehead  ex- 
pressive of  intelligence.  He  has  a  fair  amount  of 
whisker,  ending  in  a  pointed  beard.  At  Abu-Simbel 
the  skin  is  painted  a  pale  yellow — the  Egyptian 
equivalent  for  white— his  eyes  blue,  and  his  beard  and 
eyebrows  red.    At  Medinet  Habu,  his  skin,  as  Prof, 

THE    PEOPLE  4* 

Petrie  expresses  it,  is  "rather  pinker  than  flesh- 
colour,"  while  in  a  tomb  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty 
at  Thebes  it  is  painted  white,  the  eyes  and  hair  being 
a  light  red-brown. 

The  Amorite,  it  is  clear,  must  be  classed  with  the 
fair-skinned,  blue-eyed  Libyans  of  the  Egyptian 
monuments,  whose  modern  descendants  are  the 
Kabyles  and  other  Berber  tribes  of  Northern  Africa. 
The  latter  are  not  only  European  in  type,  they  claim 
special  affinities  to  the  blond,  "golden-haired"  Kelt. 
And  their  tall  stature  agrees  well  with  what  the  Old 
Testament  has  to  tell  us  about  the  Amorites.  They, 
too,  were  classed  among  the  Rephaim  or  "giants,"  by 
the  side  of  whom  the  Israelite  invaders  were  but  as 

While  the  Canaanites  inhabited  the  lowlands,  the 
highlands  were  the  seat  of  the  Amorites  (Num. 
viii.  29).  This,  again,  is  in  accordance  with  their 
European  affinities.  They  flourished  best  in  the 
colder  and  more  bracing  climate  of  the  mountains, 
as  do  the  Berber  tribes  of  Northern  Africa  to-day. 
The  blond,  blue-eyed  race  is  better  adapted  to  endure 
the  cold  than  the  heat. 

Amorite  tribes  and  kingdoms  were  to  be  found  in 
all  parts  of  Palestine.  Southward,  as  we  have  seen, 
Kadesh-barnea  was  in  "the  mountain  of  the  Amor- 
ites," while  Chedor-laomer  found  them  on  the  western 
shores  of  the  Dead  Sea.  When  Abraham  pitched  his 
tent  in  the  plain  above  Hebron,  it  was  in  the  posses- 
sion of  three  Amorite  chieftains,  and  at  the  time  of 
the  Israelitish  conquest,  Hebron  and  Jerusalem, 
Jarmuth,  Lachish  and  Eglon  were  all  Amorite  (Josh. 
x.  5).  Jacob  assured  Joseph  the  inheritance  of  his 
tribe  should  be  in  that  district  of  Shechem  which  the 


patriarch  had  taken  "out  of  the  hand  of  the  Amorite" 
(Gen.  xlviii.  22),  and  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Jordan 
were  the  Amorite  kingdoms  of  Og  and  Sihon.  But 
we  learn  from  the  Egyptian  inscriptions,  and  more 
especially  from  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets,  that  the 
chief  seat  of  Amorite  power  lay  immediately  to  the 
north  of  Palestine.  Here  was  "the  land  of  the  Amor- 
ites,"  to  which  frequent  reference  is  made  by  the 
monuments,  among  the  ranges  of  Lebanon  and  Anti- 
Lebanon,  from  Hamath  southward  to  Hermon.  On 
the  east  it  was  bounded  by  the  desert,  on  the  west  by 
the  cities  of  Phoenicia. 

In  early  days,  long  before  the  age  of  Abraham,  the 
Amorites  must  already  have  been  the  predominant 
population  in  this  part  of  Syria.  When  the  Baby- 
lonian king,  Sargon  of  Akkad,  carried  his  victorious 
arms  to  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  it  was  against 
"the  land  of  the  Amorites"  that  his  campaigns  were 
directed.  From  that  time  forward  this  was  the  name 
under  which  Syria,  and  more  particularly  Canaan, 
was  known  to  the  Babylonians.  The  geographical 
extension  of  the  term  was  parallel  to  that  of  "  Hit- 
tites  "  among  the  Assyrians,  of  "Canaan  "  among  the 
Israelites,  and  of  "Palestine"  among  ourselves.  But 
it  bears  witness  to  the  important  part  which  was 
played  by  the  Amorites  in  what  we  must  still  call  the 
prehistoric  age  of  Syria,  as  well  as  to  the  extent  of 
the  area  which  they  must  have  occupied.  (See 
Appendix  I.) 

Of  course  it  does  not  follow  that  the  whole  of  this 
area  was  occupied  at  one  and  the  same  time.  Indeed 
we  know  that  the  conquest  of  the  northern  portion  of 
Moab  by  the  Amorite  king  Sihon  took  place  only  a 
short  time  before  the  Israelitish  invasion,  and  part 

THE    PEOPLE  43 

of  the  Amorite  song  of  triumph  on  the  occasion  has 
been  preserved  in  the  Book  of  Numbers.  "There  is 
a  fire  gone  out  of  Heshbon,"  it  said,  "a  flame  from 
the  city  of  Sihon  :  it  hath  consumed  Ar  of  Moab,  and 
the  lords  of  the  high  places  of  Arnon.  Woe  to  thee, 
Moab  !  thou  art  undone,  O  people  of  Chemosh  :  he 
hath  given  his  sons  that  escaped,  and  his  daughters, 
into  captivity,  unto  Sihon  king  of  the  Amorites."  * 
In  the  south  again,  the  Amorites  do  not  seem  to  have 
made  their  way  beyond  Hazezon-Tamar,  while  the 
Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  made  it  probable  that  neither 
Bashan  nor  Jerusalem  were  as  yet  Amorite  at  the  time 
they  were  written.  It  may  be  that  the  Amorite  con- 
quests in  the  south  were  one  of  the  results  of  the  fall 
of  the  Egyptian  empire  and  the  Hittite  irruption. 

Between  the  Hittite  and  the  Amorite  the  geo- 
graphical table  of  Genesis  interposes  the  Jebusite, 
and  the  Book  of  Numbers  similarly  states  that  "the 
Hittites  and  the  Jebusites  and  the  Amorites  dwell  in 
the  mountains."  The  Jebusites,  however,  were  merely 
the  local  tribe  which  in  the  early  days  of  the  Israel- 
itish  occupation  of  Canaan  were  in  possession  of 
Jerusalem,  and  they  were  probably  Hittite  in  origin 
as  well  as  race.  At  any  rate  there  is  no  trace  of  them 
in  the  cuneiform  letters  of  Tel  el-Amarna.  On  the 
contrary,  in  these  Jerusalem  is  still  known  only  by 
its  old  name  of  Uru-salim ;  of  the  name  Jebus  there 
is  not  a  hint.  But  the  letters  show  us  that  Ebed- 
Kheba,  the  native  king  of  Jerusalem  and  humble 
vassal  of  the  Pharaoh,  was  being  hard  pressed  by  his 
enemies,  and  that,  in  spite  of  his  urgent  appeals  for 
help,  the  Egyptians  were  unable  to  send  any.  His 
enemy  were  the  Khabiri  or  "Confederates,"  about 
1  Num.  xxi.  28,  29. 


whose  identification  there  has  been  much  discussion, 
but  who  were  assisted  by  the  Hittite  chief  Labai  and 
his  sons.  One  by  one  the  towns  belonging  to  the 
territory  of  Jerusalem  fell  into  the  hands  of  his  adver- 
saries, and  at  last,  as  we  learn  from  another  letter, 
Ebed-Kheba  himself,  along  with  his  capital,  was  cap- 
tured by  the  foe.  It  was  this  event,  perhaps,  which 
made  Jerusalem  a  Jebusite  city.  If  so,  we  must  see 
in  the  enemies  of  Ebed-Kheba  the  Jebusites  of  the 
Old  Testament. 

The  Girgashite  is  named  after  the  Amorite,  but  who 
he  may  have  been  it  is  hard  to  say.  In  the  Egyptian 
epic  composed  by  the  court-poet  Pentaur,  to  com- 
memorate the  heroic  deeds  of  Ramses  II.  in  his 
struggle  with  the  Hittites,  mention  is  twice  made  of 
"the  country  of  Qarqish."  It  was  one  of  those  which 
had  sent  contingents  to  the  Hittite  army.  But  it 
seems  to  have  been  situated  in  Northern  Syria,  if  not 
in  Asia  Minor,  so  that  unless  we  can  suppose  that 
some  of  its  inhabitants  had  followed  in  the  wake  of 
the  Hittites  and  settled  in  Palestine,  it  is  not  easy 
to  see  how  they  could  be  included  among  the  sons 
of  Canaan.  The  Hivites,  whose  name  follows  that 
of  the  Girgashites,  are  simply  the  "villagers"  or 
fellahin  as  opposed  to  the  townsfolk.  They  are  thus 
synonymous  with  the  Perizzites,  who  take  their  place 
in  Gen.  xv.  20,  and  whose  name  has  the  same  signifi- 
cation. But  whereas  the  Perizzites  were  especially 
the  country  population  of  Southern  Palestine,  the 
Hivites  were  those  of  the  north.  In  two  passages, 
indeed,  the  name  appears  to  be  used  in  an  ethnic 
sense,  once  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  2,  where  we  read  that  Esau 
married  the  granddaughter  of  "Zibeon  the  Hivite," 
and  once  in  Josh.  xi.  3,  where  reference  is  made  to 

THE    PEOPLE  45 

"the  Hivite  under  Hermon  in  the  land  of  Mizpeh." 
But  a  comparison  of  the  first  passage  with  a  later  part 
of  the  chapter  (vv.  20,  24,  25)  proves  that  "Hivite" 
is  a  corrupt  reading  for  "  Horite,"  while  it  is  probable 
that  in  the  second  passage  "Hittite  "  ought  to  be  read 
for   "Hivite." 

The  four  last  sons  of  Canaan  represent  cities,  and 
not  tribes.  Arka,  called  Irqat  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
tablets,  and  now  known  as  Tel  'Arqa,  was  one  of  the 
inland  cities  of  Phoenicia,  in  the  mountains  between 
the  Orontes  and  the  sea.  Sin,  which  is  mentioned  by 
Tiglath-pileser  III.,  was  in  the  same  neighbourhood, 
as  well  as  Zemar  (now  Sumra),  which,  like  Arvad 
(the  modern  Ruad)  is  named  repeatedly  in  the  Tel 
el-Amarna  correspondence.  It  was  at  the  time  an 
important  Phoenician  fortress, — "perched  like  a  bird 
upon  the  rock," — and  was  under  the  control  of  the 
governor  of  Gebal.  Arvad  was  equally  important  as 
a  seaport,  and  its  ships  were  used  for  war  as  well  as 
for  commerce.  As  for  Hamath  (now  Hamah),  the 
Khamat  and  Amat  of  the  Assyrian  texts,  it  was 
already  a  leading  city  in  the  days  of  the  eighteenth 
Egyptian  dynasty.  Thothmes  III.  includes  it  among 
his  Syrian  conquests  under  the  name  of  Amatu,  as 
also  does  Ramses  III.  The  Hittite  inscriptions  dis- 
covered there  go  to  show  that,  like  Kadesh  on  the 
Orontes,  it  fell  at  one  time  into  Hittite  hands. 

Such,  then,  was  the  ethnographical  map  of  Palestine 
in  the  Patriarchal  Age.  Canaanites  in  the  lowlands, 
Amorites  and  Hittites  in  the  highlands  contended  for 
the  mastery.  In  the  desert  of  the  south  were  the 
Amalekite  Beduin,  ever  ready  to  raid  and  murder 
their  settled  neighbours.  The  mountains  of  Seir  were 
occupied  by  the  Horites,  while  prehistodic  tribes,  who 


probably  belonged  to  the  Amorite  race,  inhabited  the 
plateau  east  of  the  Jordan. 

This  was  the  Palestine  to  which  Abraham  migrated, 
but  it  was  a  Palestine  which  his  migration  was 
destined  eventually  to  change.  Before  many  genera- 
tions had  passed  Moab  and  Ammon,  the  children  of 
his  nephew,  took  the  place  of  the  older  population  of 
the  eastern  table-land,  while  Edom  settled  in  Mount 
Seir.  A  few  generations  more,  and  Israel,  too,  entered 
into  its  inheritance  in  Canaan  itself.  The  Amorites 
were  extirpated  or  became  tributary,  and  the  valleys 
of  the  Jordan  and  Kishon  were  seized  by  the  invading 
tribes.  The  cities  of  the  extreme  south  had  already 
become  Philistine,  and  the  strangers  from  Caphtor 
had  supplanted  in  them  the  Avim  of  an  earlier  epoch. 

Meanwhile  the  waves  of  foreign  conquest  had 
spread  more  than  once  across  the  country.  Canaan 
had  been  made  subject  to  Babylonia,  and  had  received 
in  exchange  for  its  independence  the  gift  of  Baby- 
lonian culture.  Next  it  was  Egypt  which  entered 
upon  its  career  of  Asiatic  conquest,  and  Canaan  for 
a  while  was  an  Egyptian  province.  But  the  Egyptian 
dominion  in  its  turn  passed  away,  and  Palestine  was 
left  the  prey  of  other  assailants,  of  the  Hittites  and 
the  Beduin,  of  the  people  of  Aram  Naharaim  and  the 
northern  hordes.  Egyptians  and  Babylonians,  Hit- 
tites and  Mesopotamians  mingled  with  the  earlier 
races  of  the  country  and  obliterated  the  older  land- 
marks. Before  the  Patriarchal  Age  came  to  an  end, 
the  ethnographical  map  of  Canaan  had  undergone 
a  profound  change. 



It  is  in  the  cuneiform  records  of  Babylonia  that  we 
catch  the  first  glimpse  of  the  early  history  of  Canaan. 
Babylonia  was  not  yet  united  under  a  single  head. 
From  time  to  time  some  prince  arose  whose  conquests 
allowed  him  to  claim  the  imperial  title  of  "king  of 
Sumer  and  Akkad,"  of  Southern  and  Northern  Baby- 
lonia, but  the  claim  was  never  of  long  duration,  and 
often  it  signified  no  more  than  a  supremacy  over  the 
other  rulers  of  the  country. 

It  was  while  Babylonia  was  thus  divided  into  more 
than  one  kingdom,  that  the  first  Chaldaean  empire  of 
which  we  know  was  formed  by  the  military  skill  of 
Sargon  of  Akkad.  Sargon  was  of  Semitic  origin,  but 
his  birth  seems  to  have  been  obscure.  His  father, 
Itti-Bel,  is  not  given  the  title  of  king,  and  the  later 
legends  which  gathered  around  his  name  declared 
that  his  mother  was  of  low  degree,  that  his  father  he 
knew  not,  and  that  his  father's  brother  lived  in  the 
mountain-land.  Born  in  secrecy  in  the  city  of  Azu- 
pirani,  "whence  the  elephants  issue  forth,"  he  was 
launched  by  his  mother  on  the  waters  of  the  Euphrates 
in  an  ark  of  bulrushes  daubed  with  pitch.  The  river 
carried  the  child  to  Akki  the  irrigator,  who  had  com- 
passion upon  it,  and  brought  it  up  as  his  own  son. 
So  Sargon  became  an  agriculturist  and  gardener  like 
his  adopted  father,  till  the  goddess  Istar  beheld  and 


loved  him,  and  eventually  gave  him  his  kingdom  and 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  real  history  of 
Sargon's  rise  to  power,  certain  it  is  that  he  showed 
himself  worthy  of  it.  He  built  himself  a  capital, 
which  perhaps  was  Akkad,  near  Sippara,  and  there 
founded  a  library  stocked  with  books  on  clay  and 
well  provided  with  scribes.  Works  on  astronomy 
and  terrestrial  omens  were  compiled  for  it,  the  first 
of  which,  in  its  later  form,  was  translated  into  Greek 
by  Berossos  in  days  long  subsequent.  But  it  was 
as  a  conqueror  and  the  founder  of  the  first  Semitic 
empire  in  Western  Asia  that  posterity  chiefly  remem- 
bered him.  He  overthrew  his  rivals  at  home,  and 
made  himself  master  of  Northern  Babylonia.  Then 
he  marched  into  Elam  on  the  east,  and  devastated  its 
fields.  Next  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  west. 
Four  times  did  he  make  his  way  to  "the  land  of  the 
Amorites,"  until  at  last  it  was  thoroughly  subdued. 
His  final  campaign  occupied  three  years.  The 
countries  "of  the  sea  of  the  setting  sun"  acknow- 
ledged his  dominion,  and  he  united  them  with  his 
former  conquests  into  "a  single  "  empire.  On  the 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean  he  erected  images  of 
himself  in  token  of  his  victories,  and  caused  the  spoil 
of  Cyprus  "to  pass  over  into  the  countries  of  the 
sea."  Towards  the  end  of  his  reign  a  revolt  broke 
out  against  him  in  Babylonia,  and  he  was  besieged 
in  the  city  of  Akkad,  but  he  "issued  forth  and  smote  " 
his  enemies  and  utterly  destroyed  them.  Then  came 
his  last  campaign  against  Northern  Mesopotamia, 
from  which  he  returned  with  abundant  prisoners  and 

Sargon's  son  and  successor  was  Naram-Sin,  "the 


beloved  of  the  Moon-god,"  who  continued  the  con- 
quests of  his  father.  His  second  campaign  was 
against  the  land  of  Magan,  the  name  under  which 
Midian  and  the  Sinaitic  peninsula  were  known  to 
the  Babylonians.  The  result  of  it  was  the  addition 
of  Magan  to  his  empire  and  the  captivity  of  its  king. 

The  copper  mines  of  Magan,  which  are  noticed 
in  an  early  Babylonian  geographical  list,  made  its 
acquisition  coveted  alike  by  Babylonians  and  Egypt- 
ians. We  find  the  Pharaohs  of  the  first  dynasty 
already  establishing  their  garrisons  and  colonies  of 
miners  in  the  province  of  Mafkat,  as  they  called  it, 
and  slaughtering  the  Beduin  who  interfered  with 
them.  The  history  of  Naram-Sin  shows  that  its 
conquest  was  equally  an  object  of  the  Babylonian 
monarchs  at  the  very  outset  of  their  history.  But 
whereas  the  road  from  Egypt  to  Sinai  was  short  and 
easy,  that  from  Babylonia  was  long  and  difficult. 
Before  a  Babylonian  army  could  march  into  the 
peninsula  it  was  needful  that  Syria  should  be  secure 
in  the  rear.  The  conquest  of  Palestine,  in  fact,  was 
necessary  before  the  copper  mines  of  Sinai  could  fall 
into  Babylonian  hands. 

The  consolidation  of  Sargon's  empire  in  the  west, 
therefore,  was  needful  before  the  invasion  of  the 
country  of  Magan  could  take  place,  and  the  invasion 
accordingly  was  reserved  for  Naram-Sin  to  make. 
The  father  had  prepared  the  way;  the  son  obtained 
the  great  prize — the  source  of  the  copper  that  was 
used  in  the  ancient  world. 

The  fact  that  the  whole  of  Syria  is  described  in 
the  annals  of  Sargon  as  "the  land  of  the  Amorites," 
implies,  not  only  that  the  Amorites  were  the  ruling 
population  in  the  country,  but  also  that  they  must 



have  extended  far  to  the  south.  The  "land  of  the 
Amorites "  formed  the  basis  and  starting-point  for 
the  expedition  of  Naram-Sin  into  Magan ;  it  must, 
therefore,  have  reached  to  the  southern  border  of 
Palestine,  if  not  even  farther.  The  road  trodden  by 
his  forces  would  have  been  the  same  as  that  which 
was  afterwards  traversed  by  Chedor-laomer,  and 
would  have  led  him  through  Kadesh-barnea.  Is  it 
possible  that  the  Amorites  were  already  in  possession 
of  the  mountain-block  within  which  Kadesh  stood, 
and  that  this  was  their  extreme  limit  to  the  south  ? 

There  were  other  names  by  which  Palestine  and 
Syria  were  known  to  the  early  Babylonians,  besides 
the  general  title  of  "the  land  of  the  Amorites."  One 
of  these  was  Tidanum  or  Tidnum ;  another  was  Sanir 
or  Shenir.  There  was  yet  another,  the  reading  of 
which  is  uncertain,  though  it  may  be  transcribed 

Mr.  Boscawen  has  pointed  out  a  coincidence  that 
is  at  least  worthy  of  attention.  The  first  Babylonian 
monarch  who  penetrated  into  the  peninsula  of  Sinai 
bore  a  name  compounded  with  that  of  the  Moon-god, 
which  thus  bears  witness  to  a  special  veneration  for 
that  deity.  Now  the  name  of  Mount  Sinai  is  similarly 
derived  from  that  of  the  Babylonian  Moon-god  Sin. 
It  was  the  high  place  where  the  god  must  have  been 
adored  from  early  times  under  his  Babylonian  name. 
It  thus  points  to  Babylonian  influence,  if  not  to  the 
presence  of  Babylonians  on  the  spot.  Can  it  have 
been  that  the  mountain  whereon  the  God  of  Israel 
afterwards  revealed  Himself  to  Moses  was  dedicated 
to  the  Moon-god  of  Babylon  by  Naram-Sin  the 
Chaldaean  conqueror  ? 

If  such,  indeed,  were  the  case,  it  would  have  been 


more  than  two  thousand  years  before  the  Israelitish 
exodus.  Nabonidos,  the  last  king  of  the  later 
Babylonian  empire,  who  had  a  fancy  for  antiquarian 
exploration,  tells  us  that  Naram-Sin  reigned  3200 
years  before  his  own  time,  and  therefore  about  3750 
B.C.  The  date,  startlingly  early  as  it  seems  to  be, 
is  indirectly  confirmed  by  other  evidence,  and  Assyri- 
ologists  consequently  have  come  to  accept  it  as 
approximately  correct. 

How  long  Syria  remained  a  part  of  the  empire 
of  Sargon  of  Akkad  we  do  not  know.  But  it  must 
have  been  long  enough  for  the  elements  of  Baby- 
lonian culture  to  be  introduced  into  it.  The  small 
stone  cylinders  used  by  the  Babylonians  for  sealing 
their  clay  documents  thus  became  known  to  the 
peoples  of  the  West.  More  than  one  has  been  found 
in  Syria  and  Cyprus  which  go  back  to  the  age  of 
Sargon  and  Naram-Sin,  while  there  are  numerous 
others  which  are  more  or  less  barbarous  attempts  on 
the  part  of  the  natives  to  imitate  the  Babylonian 
originals.  But  the  imitations  prove  that  with  the 
fall  of  Sargon 's  empire  the  use  of  seal-cylinders  in 
Syria,  and  consequently  of  documents  for  sealing, 
did  not  disappear.  That  knowledge  of  writing,  which 
was  a  characteristic  of  Babylonian  civilization,  must 
have  been  carried  with  it  to  the  shores  of  the 

The  seal-cylinders  were  engraved,  sometimes  with 
figures  of  men  and  gods,  sometimes  with  symbols 
only.  Very  frequently  lines  of  cuneiform  writing  were 
added,  and  a  common  formula  gave  the  name  of  the 
owner  of  the  seal,  along  with  those  of  his  father  and 
of  the  deity  whom  he  worshipped.  One  of  the  seal- 
cylinders  found  in  Cyprus  describes  the  owner  as  an 
d  2 


adorer  of  "the  god  Naram-Sin."  It  is  true  that  its 
workmanship  shows  it  to  belong  to  a  much  later  date 
than  the  age  of  Naram-Sin  himself,  but  the  legend 
equally  shows  that  the  name  of  the  conqueror  of 
Magan  was  still  remembered  in  the  West.  Another 
cylinder  discovered  in  the  Lebanon  mentions  "the 
Amorite  Elohim,"  while  a  third  from  the  same  locality 
bears  the  inscription  :  "Multal-ili,  the  son  of  Ili-isme- 
anni,  the  worshipper  of  the  god  Nin-gis-zida."  The 
name  of  the  god  signified  in  the  old  pre-Semitic 
language  of  Chaldaea  "the  lord  of  the  upright  horn," 
while  it  is  worth  notice  that  the  names  of  the  owner 
and  his  father  are  compounded  simply  with  the  word 
Hi  or  el,  "god,"  not  with  the  name  of  any  special 
divinity.  Multal-ili  means  "A  counsellor  is  God," 
Ili-isme-anni,  "O  my  God,  hear  me!  " 

Many  centuries  have  to  elapse  before  the  monu- 
ments of  Babylonia  again  throw  light  on  the  history 
of  Canaan.  Somewhere  about  2500  B.C.,  a  high-priest 
was  ruling  in  a  city  of  Southern  Babylonia,  under 
the  suzerainty  of  Dungi,  the  king  of  Ur.  The  high- 
priest's  name  was  Gudea,  and  his  city  (now  called 
Tel-loh  by  the  Arabs)  was  known  as  Lagas.  The 
excavations  made  here  by  M.  de  Sarzec  have  brought 
to  light  temples  and  palaces,  collections  of  clay  books 
and  carved  stone  statues,  which  go  back  to  the  early 
days  of  Babylonian  history.  The  larger  and  better 
part  of  the  monuments  belong  to  Gudea,  who  seems 
to  have  spent  most  of  his  life  in  building  and  restoring 
the  sanctuaries  of  the  gods.  Diorite  statues  of  the 
prince  are  now  in  the  Louvre,  and  inscriptions  upon 
them  state  that  the  stone  out  of  which  they  were  made 
was  brought  from  the  land  of  Magan.  On  the  lap  of 
one  of  them  is  a  plan  of  the  royal  palace,  with  the 


scale  of  measurement  marked  on  the  edge  of  a  draw- 
ing-board. Prof.  Petrie  has  shown  that  the  unit  of 
measurement  represented  in  it  is  the  cubit  of  the 
pyramid-builders  of  Egypt. 

The  diorite  of  Sinai  was  not  the  only  material 
which  was  imported  into  Babylonia  for  the  buildings 
of  Gudea.  Beams  of  cedar  and  box  were  brought 
from  Mount  Amanus  at  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of 
Antioch,  blocks  of  stone  were  floated  down  the 
Euphrates  from  Barsip  near  Carchemish,  gold-dust 
came  from  Melukhkha,  the  "salt"  desert  to  the  east 
of  Egypt  which  the  Old  Testament  calls  Havilah ; 
copper  was  conveyed  from  the  north  of  Arabia, 
limestone  from  the  Lebanon  ("the  mountains  of 
Tidanum  "),  and  another  kind  of  stone  from  Subsalla, 
in  the  mountains  of  the  Amorite  land.  Before  beams 
of  wood  and  blocks  of  stone  could  thus  be  brought 
from  the  distant  west,  it  was  necessary  that  trade 
between  Babylonia  and  the  countries  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean should  have  long  been  organized,  that  the 
roads  throughout  western  Asia  should  have  been 
good  and  numerous,  and  that  Babylonian  influence 
should  have  been  extended  far  and  wide.  The  con- 
quests of  Sargon  and  Naram-Sin  had  borne  fruit  in 
the  commerce  that  had  followed  upon  them. 

Once  more  the  curtain  falls,  and  Canaan  is  hidden 
for  a  while  out  of  our  sight.  Babylonia  has  become 
a  united  kingdom  with  its  capital  and  centre  at 
Babylon.  Khammurabi  (2 123-2081  B.C.)  has  suc- 
ceeded in  shaking  off  the  suzerainty  of  Elam,  in 
overthrowing  his  rival  Eri-Aku,  king  of  Larsa,  and 
his  Elamite  allies,  and  in  constituting  himself  sole 
monarch  of  Babylonia.  His  family  was  of  Amorite 
origin,  like  that  of  Abraham,  and  probably  came  from 


the  city  of  Harran.  Their  names  are  Amorite,  not 
Babylonian,  and  the  Babylonian  scribes  found  a 
difficulty  in  transcribing  them  correctly.  But  once 
in  the  possession  of  the  Babylonian  throne,  they 
became  thoroughly  national,  and  under  Khammurabi 
the  literary  glories  of  the  court  of  Sargon  of  Akkad 
revived  once  more. 

Ammi-ditana,  the  great-grandson  of  Khammurabi, 
calls  himself  king  of  "the  land  of  the  Amorites." 
Babylonia,  therefore,  still  claimed  to  be  paramount 
in  Palestine.  Even  the  name  of  the  king  is  an  indica- 
tion of  his  connection  with  the  west.  Neither  of  the 
elements  of  which  it  is  composed  belonged  to  the 
Babylonian  language.  The  first  of  them,  Ammi,  was 
explained  by  the  Babylonian  philologists  as  meaning 
"a  family,"  but  it  really  represented  the  name  of  a 
god.  We  find  it  in  the  proper  names  both  of  Southern 
and  of  North-western  Arabia.  The  early  Minaean 
inscriptions  of  Southern  Arabia  contain  names  like 
Ammi-karib,  Ammi-zadiqa,  and  Ammi-zaduq,  the  last 
of  which  is  identical  with  that  of  Ammi-zaduq,  the 
son  and  successor  of  Ammi-ditana.  The  Egyptian 
Sinuhit,  who  in  the  time  of  the  twelfth  dynasty  fled, 
like  Moses,  for  his  life  from  the  court  of  the  Pharaoh 
to  the  neighbourhood  of  Beyrout,  found  protection 
there  at  the  hands  of  the  chieftain  Ammu-anshi.  The 
Ammonites  themselves  were  the  "sons  of  Ammi," 
and  in  numerous  Hebrew  names  we  find  that  of  the 
god.  Ammi-el,  Ammi-nadab,  and  Ammi-shaddai  are 
mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament,  the  Assyrian  inscrip- 
tions tell  us  of  Ammi-nadab,  the  king  of  Ammon, 
and  it  is  possible  that  even  the  name  of  Balaam,  the 
Aramaean  seer,  may  be  compounded  with  that  of  the 
god.     At  all  events,  the  city  of  Pethor,  from  which 


he  came,  was  "by  the  river  (Euphrates)  of  the  land 
of  the  children  of  Ammo,"  for  such  is  the  literal 
rendering  of  the  Hebrew  words. 

Ammi-ditana  was  not  the  first  of  his  line  whose 
authority  had  been  acknowledged  in  Palestine.  The 
inscription  in  which  he  records  the  fact  is  but  a  con- 
firmation of  what  had  been  long  known  to  us  from  the 
Book  of  Genesis.  There  we  read  how  Chedor-laomer, 
the  king  of  Elam,  with  the  three  vassal  princes,  Arioch 
of  Ellasar,  Amraphel  of  Shinar,  and  Tid'al  of  Nations, 
invaded  Canaan,  and  how  the  kings  of  the  vale  of 
Siddim,  with  its  pits  of  asphalt,  became  their  tribu- 
taries. For  thirteen  years  they  remained  submissive, 
and  then  rebelled.  Thereupon  the  Babylonian  army 
again  marched  to  the  west.  Bashan  and  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Jordan  were  subjugated,  the  Horites  in 
Mount  Seir  were  smitten,  and  the  invaders  then  turned 
back  through  Kadesh-barnea,  overthrowing  the 
Amalekites  and  the  Amorites  on  their  way.  Then 
came  the  battle  in  the  vale  of  Siddim,  which  ended  in 
the  defeat  of  the  Canaanites,  the  death  of  the  kings  of 
Sodom  and  Gomorrha,  and  the  capture  of  abundant 
booty.  Among  the  prisoners  was  Lot,  the  nephew 
of  Abram,  and  it  was  to  effect  his  rescue  that  the 
patriarch  armed  his  followers  and  started  in  pursuit 
of  the  conquerors.  Near  Damascus  he  overtook  them, 
and  falling  upon  them  by  night,  recovered  the  spoil 
of  Sodom  as  well  as  his  "brother's  son." 

Arioch  is  the  Eri-Aku  of  the  cuneiform  texts.  In 
the  old  language  of  Chaldea  the  name  signified 
"servant  of  the  Moon-god."  The  king  is  well  known 
to  us  from  contemporaneous  inscriptions.  Besides 
the  inscribed  bricks  which  have  come  from  the  temple 
of  the  Moon-god  which  he  enlarged,  in  the  city  of 


\}r,  there  are  numerous  contract  tablets  that  are  dated 
in  his  reign.  He  tells  us  that  he  was  the  son  of 
an  Elamite,  Kudur-Mabug,  son  of  Simti-silkhak,  and 
prince  (or  "father")  of  Yamutbal  on  the  borders  of 
Elam  and  Babylonia.  But  this  is  not  all.  He  further 
gives  Kudur-Mabug  the  title  of  "father  of  the  Amorite 
land."  What  this  title  exactly  means  it  is  difficult  to 
say ;  one  thing,  however,  is  certain,  Kudur-Mabug 
must  have  exercised  some  kind  of  power  and  authority 
in  the  distant  west. 

His  name,  too,  is  remarkable.  Names  compounded 
with  Kudur,  "a  servant,"  were  common  in  the  Elamite 
language,  the  second  element  of  the  name  being  that 
of  a  deity,  to  whose  worship  the  owner  of  it  was 
dedicated.  Thus  we  have  Kudur-Lagamar,  "the 
servant  of  the  god  Lagamar,"  Kudur-Nakhkhunte, 
"the  servant  of  Nakhkhunte."  But  Mabug  was  not 
an  Elamite  divinity.  It  was,  on  the  contrary,  a 
Mesopotamian  deity  from  whom  the  town  of  Mabug 
near  Carchemish,  called  Bambyke  by  the  Greeks,  and 
assimilated  by  the  Arabs  to  their  Membij,  "a  source," 
derived  its  name.  Can  it  be  from  this  Syrian  deity 
that  the  father  of  Arioch  received  his  name  ? 

The  capital  of  Arioch,  or  Eri-Aku,  was  Larsa,  the 
city  of  the  Sun-god,  now  called  Senkereh.  With 
the  help  of  his  Elamite  kindred,  he  extended  his 
power  from  thence  over  the  greater  part  of  Southern 
Babylonia.  The  old  city  of  Ur,  once  the  seat  of  the 
dominant  dynasty  of  Chaldaean  kings,  formed  part  of 
his  dominions;  Nipur,  now  Niffer,  fell  into  his  hands, 
like  the  seaport  Eridu  on  the  shores  of  the  Persian 
Gulf,  and  in  one  of  his  inscriptions  he  celebrates  his 
conquest  of  "the  ancient  city  of  Erech."  On  the 
day  of  its  capture  he  erected  in  gratitude  a  temple 


to  his  god  Ingirisa,  "for  the  preservation  of  his 

But  the  god  did  not  protect  him  for  ever.  A  time 
came  when  Khammurabi,  king  of  Babylon,  rose  in 
revolt  against  the  Elamite  supremacy,  and  drove  the 
Elamite  forces  out  of  the  land.  Eri-Aku  was  attacked 
and  defeated,  and  his  cities  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  conqueror.  Khammurabi  became  sole  king  of 
Babylonia,  which  from  henceforth  obeyed  but  a  single 

Are  we  to  see  in  the  Amraphel  of  Genesis  the 
Khammurabi  of  the  cuneiform  inscriptions?  When 
the  first  edition  of  this  book  was  published  no  definite 
answer  could  be  given  to  this  question.  But  dis- 
coveries have  followed  rapidly  upon  one  another  in 
Babylonian  research,  and  we  now  know  that  the 
Khammurabi  of  the  inscriptions  and  the  Amraphel 
of  the  Old  Testament  were  one  and  the  same.  The 
name  Khammurabi  was,  in  fact,  nothing  more  than 
a  lame  attempt  of  the  Babylonians  to  pronounce  and 
write  a  foreign  name.  Like  Abraham,  Khammurabi 
was  of  Amorite,  or,  as  we  should  now  say,  of  West- 
Semitic,  descent,  and  his  name  is  more  correctly 
written  in  the  cuneiform  texts  of  both  Assyria  and 
Babylonia  Ammurapi.  Ammurapi  is  clearly  the 
Amraphel  of  Genesis  without  the  final  /.  How  this 
I  originated  has  been  explained  by  Prof.  Hommel. 
The  last  syllable  of  the  name  of  Khammurabi  is  often 
written  with  a  cuneiform  character  which  has  the 
values  of  bi  and  pi  as  well  as  pil.  In  transcribing 
the  original  cuneiform  text  the  Hebrew  translator 
assigned  the  wrong  value  to  the  sign,  and  wrote  pil 
instead  of  pi  or  bi.  It  can  be  shown  that  similar 
mistakes  have  been  made  in  other  parts  of  the  Penta- 


teuch,  where  a  wrong  phonetic  value  has  been  given 
to  a  cuneiform  character  in  the  transcription  into 
Hebrew  of  a  proper  name. 

Amraphel  is  called  king  of  Shinar,  the  Old  Testa- 
ment name  of  Babylonia.  Why  it  should  have  been 
called  Shinar  is  still  a  puzzle.  On  the  one  side  Shinar 
could  be  phonetically  identified  with  Sumer,  the  native 
name  of  Southern  Babylonia ;  on  the  other  side  it  is 
the  same  name  as  that  of  the  oasis  of  Singara  or  Sinjar 
in  Mesopotamia.  It  is  also  the  same  name  as  San- 
khar,  the  name  of  a  country  coupled  with  that  of  the 
Hittites  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters.  But  we  do  not 
know  where  Sankhar  exactly  was. 

It  was  not  only  the  Old  Testament  writers,  however, 
to  whom  Babylonia  was  known  as  Shinar.  The 
Egyptians  of  the  Mosaic  age  called  it  by  the  same 
name.  The  great  conqueror,  Thothmes  III,  for  in- 
stance, tells  us  how  the  king  of  Sangar  or  Shinar 
sent  him,  among  other  things,  the  lapis-lazuli  of 
Babylon,  which  the  vanity  of  the  Egyptian  scribes 
made  them  regard  in  the  light  of  tribute.  To  both 
Egyptians  and  Hebrews  the  king  of  Babylon  was 
king  also  of  Shinar. 

Hence  it  is  that  the  narrative  of  Chedor-laomer's 
campaign  begins  with  the  words  that  it  took  place 
"in  the  time  of  Amraphel,  king  of  Shinar."  The 
narrative  has  been  derived  from  a  Babylonian  docu- 
ment, as  is  shown  by  the  fact  that,  although  the  actual 
leader  of  the  expedition  was  the  Elamite  sovereign, 
it  is  dated  in  the  reign  of  his  vassal,  the  Babylonian 
king.  The  years  were  dated  in  Babylonia  by  the 
chief  event  or  events  that  had  occurred  in  them ;  but 
the  events  were  necessarily  those  which  concerned  the 
native  king  and  his  subjects  only.     A  war  carried  on 


by  a  foreign  conqueror,  to  which  the  king  of  Babylon 
had  been  unwillingly  dragged  by  his  suzerain  lord, 
would  naturally  not  be  recorded,  and  hence  no  refer- 
ence to  the  Canaanite  campaign  is  to  be  found  in  the 
official  annals  or  "year-dates"  of  Khammurabi's 
reign.  We  shall  have  to  look  for  a  record  of  it  in 
the  annals  of  Elam.  This,  too,  will  explain  the  state- 
ment that  the  campaign  took  place  "in  the  time  of 
Amraphel,"  and  not  in  a  particular  year  of  the  king's 

Lagamar  or  Lagamer,  written  Laomer  in  Hebrew, 
was  one  of  the  principal  deities  of  Elam,  and  the 
Babylonians  made  him  a  son  of  their  own  water-god 
Ea.  The  Elamite  king  Chedor-laomer,  or  Kudur- 
Lagamar,  as  his  name  was  written  in  his  own 
language,  must  have  been  related  to  the  Elamite 
prince  Kudur-Mabug,  whose  son  Arioch  was  a 
subject-ally  of  the  Elamite  monarch.  Possibly  they 
were  brothers,  the  younger  brother  receiving  as  his 
share  of  power  the  title  of  "father" — not  "king" — 
of  Yamutbal  and  the  land  of  the  Amorites.  At  any 
rate,  it  is  a  son  of  Kudur-Mabug  and  not  of  the 
Elamite  sovereign  who  receives  a  principality  in 

In  the  Book  of  Genesis  Arioch  is  called  "king  of 
Ellasar."  But  Ellasar  is  clearly  the  Larsa  of  the 
cuneiform  inscriptions,  perhaps  with  the  word  a/, 
"city,"  prefixed.  Larsa,  the  modern  Senkereh,  was 
in  Southern  Babylonia,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Euphrates,  not  far  from  Erech,  and  to  the  north  of 
Ur.  Its  king  was  virtually  lord  of  Sumer,  but  he 
claimed  to  be  lord  also  of  the  north.  In  his  inscrip- 
tions Eri-Aku  assumes  the  imperial  title  of  "king  of 
Sumer  and  Akkad,"  of  both  divisions  of  Babylonia, 


and   it  may  be  that  at  one  time  the   rival   king  of 
Babylon  acknowledged  his  supremacy. 

Who  "Tidal  king  of  Nations"  was  has  been 
explained  by  the  progress  of  cuneiform  discovery. 
Some  years  ago  Dr.  Pinches  found  a  series  of  tablets 
which  described,  under  a  late  and  poetical  form,  the 
conquest  of  Babylon  and  the  profanation  of  its  temple 
by  Kudur-laghghamar,  the  Elamite  king.  Among  the 
subject  princes  who  followed  in  the  train  of  the  con- 
queror were  Eri-Aku,  or  Arioch,  and  Tudghula,  the 
leader  of  the  Northern  "hordes."  Tudghula  is  an 
exact  reproduction  in  cuneiform  characters  of  the 
Hebrew  Tid'al,  written  Tidal  in  the  Authorized  Ver- 
sion;  what  is  more,  it  is  also  a  Hittite  name,  and  was 
borne  in  later  days  by  one  of  the  last  kings  of  the 
Hittite  empire,  who  calls  himself  Tudkhalia.  In  the 
Northern  "hordes"  we  may,  therefore,  see  the  Hit- 
tites.  References  to  the  "king  of  the  Hittites"  and 
his  actions  are  met  with  in  the  great  astronomical 
work  which  was  compiled  in  the  time  of  Khammurabi ; 
and  a  few  years  later,  in  the  reign  of  Khammurabi 's 
great-grandson,  Babylonia  was  invaded  by  the  Hit- 
tites, an  event  which  seems  to  have  led  to  the  downfall 
of  the  Khammurabi  dynasty.  At  the  time  of  the 
capture  of  Babylon  by  the  Elamites  Khammurabi  was 
still  a  boy;  it  was  not  until  his  thirty-first  year  that 
he  made  himself  independent  and  shook  off  the 
Elamite  supremacy.  Dr.  Kugler,  on  astronomical 
grounds,  has  fixed  the  reign  of  Khammurabi  as 
extending  from  2123  B.C.  to  2081  B.C.,  so  that  his 
thirty-first  year  would  be  2092  B.C. 

The  name,  even,  of  one  of  the  Canaanite  kings  who 
were  subdued  by  the  Babylonian  army  has  found  its 
confirmation  in  a  cuneiform  inscription.     This  is  the 


name  of  "Shinab,  king  of  Adman."  We  hear  from 
Tiglath-pileser  III.  of  Sanibu,  king-  of  Amnion,  and 
Sanibu  and  Shinab  are  one  and  the  same.  The  old 
name  of  the  king  of  Admah  was  thus  perpetuated  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  Jordan. 

The  asphalt  of  Siddim  was  coveted  by  the  Baby- 
lonian kings.  Bitumen  was  one  of  the  necessaries  of 
life  in  Babylonia,  and  appears  to  have  been  a  state 
monopoly.  It  was  used  in  place  of  mortar,  as  well 
as  for  heating  and  lighting  purposes.  The  bitumen 
springs  east  of  the  Tigris  and  on  the  western  bank 
of  the  Euphrates  were  jealously  guarded  by  the 
Babylonian  Government,  and  no  opportunity  was 
neglected  of  securing  fresh  sources  of  supply.  Hence 
the  rebellion  of  the  Canaanite  princes  by  cutting  off 
the  supply  of  bitumen  from  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Dead  Sea  was  a  serious  matter  which  needed 
exemplary  punishment.  Hence,  too,  the  rise  of  Jeru- 
salem, which,  though  at  a  distance  from  the  military 
high-road,  was  on  the  bitumen  route  from  the  Dead 
Sea,  which  its  strong  position  enabled  it  to  command 
and  defend.  The  name  of  Jerusalem,  which  is  written 
in  cuneiform  Uru-Salim,  "the  city  of  the  god  Salim," 
is  an  indication  of  its  Babylonian  foundation. 

When  Abram  returned  with  the  captives  and  spoil 
of  Sodom,  the  new  king  came  forth  to  meet  him  "at 
the  valley  of  Shaveh,  which  is  the  king's  dale."  This 
was  in  the  near  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem,  as  we 
gather  from  the  history  of  Absalom  (2  Sam.  xviii.  18). 
Accordingly  we  further  read  that  at  the  same  time 
" Melchizedek,  king  of  Salem,"  and  "priest  of  the 
most  High  God,"  "brought  forth  bread  and  wine," 
and  blessed  the  Hebrew  conqueror,  who  thereupon 
gave  him  tithes  of  all  the  spoil. 


It  is  only  since  the  discovery  and  decipherment 
of  the  cuneiform  tablets  of  Tel  el-Amarna  that  the 
story  of  Melchizedek  has  been  illustrated  and  ex- 
plained. Hitherto  it  had  seemed  to  stand  alone.  The 
critics,  in  the  superiority  of  their  knowledge,  had 
refused  to  credit  it,  and  had  denied  that  the  name 
even  of  Jerusalem  or  Salem  was  known  before  the 
age  of  David.  But  the  monuments  have  come  to  our 
help,  and  have  shown  that  it  is  the  critics  and  not  the 
Biblical  writer  who  have  been  in  error. 

Several  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
letters  were  written  to  the  Pharaoh  Amenophis  IV. 
Khu-n-Aten  by  Ebed-Kheba,  the  king  of  Jerusalem. 
Not  only  is  the  name  of  Uru-salim  or  Jerusalem  the 
only  one  in  use,  the  city  itself  is  already  one  of 
the  most  important  fortresses  of  Canaan.  It  was  the 
capital  of  a  large  district  which  extended  southwards 
as  far  as  Keilah  and  Karmel  of  Judah.  The  posses- 
sion of  Jerusalem  was  eagerly  coveted  by  the  enemies 
of  Ebed-Kheba,  whom  he  calls  also  the  enemies  of 
the  Egyptian  king. 

Now  Ebed-Kheba  declares  time  after  time  that  he 
is  not  an  Egyptian  governor,  but  a  tributary  ally 
and  vassal  of  the  Pharaoh,  and  that  he  had  received 
his  royal  power,  not  by  inheritance  from  his  father 
or  mother,  but  through  the  arm  of  "the  Mighty 
King."  Who  this  "Mighty  King"  may  have  been 
it  is  difficult  to  say.  Prof.  Hommel  sees  in  him  the 
king  of  the  Hittites;  most  Assyriologists  believe  that 
the  Egyptian  Pharaoh  is  meant,  though  elsewhere  the 
latter  is  called  "the  Great  King"  and  not  "the 
Mighty  King."  In  any  case  we  have  in  the  phrase 
the  prototype  of  Isaiah's  "Mighty  God." 

Here,  then,  as  late  as  the  fifteenth  century  before 


our  era  we  have  a  king  of  Jerusalem  who  does  not  owe 
his  dignity  to  descent.  He  is,  in  fact,  a  viceregent 
as  well  as  a  king.  His  throne  has  not  descended  to 
him  by  inheritance;  so  far  as  his  kingly  office  is 
concerned,  he  is  like  Melchizedek,  without  father 
and  without  mother.  Between  Ebed-Kheba  and 
Melchizedek  there  is  more  than  analogy;  there  is  a 
striking  and  unexpected  resemblance.  The  descrip- 
tion given  of  himself  by  Ebed-Kheba  explains  much 
that  has  puzzled  us  so  long  in  the  person  of 

The  origin  of  the  name  of  Jerusalem  also  is  now 
cleared  up.  It  was  no  invention  of  the  age  of  David; 
on  the  contrary,  it  goes  back  to  the  period  of  Baby- 
lonian intercourse  with  Canaan.  It  is  written  in  the 
cuneiform  documents  Uru-Salim,  "the  city  of  Salim," 
the  god  of  salvation.  One  of  the  lexical  tablets  from 
the  library  of  Nineveh  has  long  ago  informed  us  that 
in  one  of  the  languages  known  to  the  Babylonians 
uru  was  the  equivalent  of  the  Babylonian  alu,  "a  city," 
and  we  now  know  that  this  language  was  that  of 
Canaan.  It  would  even  seem  that  the  word  had 
orginally  been  brought  from  Babylonia  itself  in  the 
days  when  Babylonian  writing  and  culture  first 
penetrated  to  the  west.  In  the  Sumerian  or  pre- 
Semitic  language  of  Chalda?a  eri  signified  a  "city," 
and  eri  in  the  pronunciation  of  the  Semites  became 
uru.  Hence  it  was  that  Uru  or  Ur,  the  birthplace 
of  Abraham,  received  its  name  at  a  time  when  it  was 
the  ruling  city  of  Babylonia,  and  though  the  Semitic 
Babylonians  themselves  never  adopted  the  word  in 
common  life  it  made  its  way  to  Canaan.  The  rise 
of  the  "city"  in  the  west  was  part  of  that  Babylonian 
civilization   which   was  carried  to  the   shores  of  the 


Mediterranean,  and  so  the  word  which  denoted  it 
was  borrowed  from  the  old  language  of  Chaldaea,  like 
the  word  for  "palace,"  hekdl,  the  Sumerian  e-gal,  or 
"Great  House."  It  is  noteworthy  that  Harran,  the 
resting-place  of  Abraham  on  his  way  from  Ur  to 
Palestine,  the  half-way  house,  as  it  were,  between  East 
and  West,  also  derived  its  name  from  a  Sumerian 
word  which  signified  "the  high-road."  Harran  and 
Ur  were  two  of  the  gifts  which  passed  to  Canaan  from 
the  speakers  of  the  primaeval  language  of  Chaldaea. 

We  can  now  understand  why  Melchizedek  should 
have  been  called  the  "king  of  Salem."  His  capital 
could  be  described  either  as  Jeru-salem  or  as  the 
city  of  Salem.  And  that  it  was  often  referred  to  as 
Salem  simply  is  shown  by  the  Egyptian  monuments. 
One  of  the  cities  of  Southern  Palestine,  the  capture 
of  which  is  represented  by  Ramses  II.  on  the  walls 
of  the  Ramesseum  at  Thebes,  is  Shalam  or  Salem, 
and  "the  district  of  Salem  "  is  mentioned  between 
"the  country  of  Hadashah  "  (Josh.  xv.  37)  and  "the 
district  of  the  Dead  Sea"  and  "the  Jordan,"  in  the 
list  of  the  places  which  Ramses  III.  at  Medinet  Habu 
describes  himself  as  having  conquered  in  the  same 
part  of  the  world. 

It  may  be  that  Isaiah  is  playing  upon  the  old  name 
of  Jerusalem  when  he  gives  the  Messiah  the  title  of 
"Prince  of  Shalom"  or  "Peace."  But  in  any  case 
the  fact  that  Salim  was  the  patron  deity  of  Jerusalem, 
lends  a  special  significance  to  Melchizedek's  treatment 
of  Abram.  The  patriarch  had  returned  from  an  ex- 
pedition in  which  he  had  overthrown  the  invaders  of 
Canaan ;  he  had  brought  salvation  to  the  country  of 
the  priest-king,  and  had  driven  away  its  enemies. 
The  offering  of  bread  and  wine  on  the  part  of  Mel- 


cliizedek  was  a  sign  of  freedom  from  the  enemy  and 
of  gratitude  to  the  deliverer,  while  the  tithes  paid  to 
Abram  were  equally  a  token  that  the  land  was  again 
at  peace.  The  name  of  Salim,  the  god  of  salvation, 
was  under  one  form  or  another  widely  spread  in  the 
Semitic  world.  Salamanu,  or  Solomon,  was  the  king 
of  Moab  in  the  time  of  Tiglath-pileser  III.;  the  name 
of  Shalmaneser  of  Assyria  is  written  Sulman-asarid, 
"the  god  Sulman  is  chief,"  in  the  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions ;  and  one  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  was  sent 
by  Ebed-Sullim,  "the  servant  of  Sullim,"  who  was 
governor  of  Hazor.  In  one  of  the  Assyrian  cities 
(Dimmen-Silim,  "the  foundation-stone  of  peace") 
worship  was  paid  to  the  god  "Sulman  the  fish."  Nor 
must  we  forget  that  "Salma  was  the  father  of  Beth- 
lehem" (1  Chron.  ii.  51). 

In  the  time  of  the  Israelitish  conquest  the  king  of 
Jerusalem  was  Adoni-zedek  (Josh.  x.  1).  The  name 
is  similar  to  that  of  Melchi-zedek,  though  the  exact 
interpretation  of  it  is  a  matter  of  doubt.  It  points, 
however,  to  a  special  use  of  the  word  sedek,  "right- 
eousness," and  it  is  therefore  interesting  to  find  the 
word  actually  employed  in  one  of  the  letters  of  Ebed- 
Kheba.  He  there  says  of  the  Pharaoh:  "Behold, 
the  king  is  righteous  (zaduq)  towards  me."  What 
makes  the  occurrence  of  the  word  the  more  striking 
is  that  it  was  utterly  unknown  to  the  Babylonians. 
The  root  zadaq,  "to  be  righteous,"  did  not  exist  in 
the  Assyrian  language. 

There  is  yet  another  point  in  the  history  of  the 
meeting  between  Abram  and  Melchizedek  which  must 
not  be  passed  over.  When  the  patriarch  returned 
after  smiting  the  invading  army  he  was  met  outside 
Jerusalem  not  only  by  Melchizedek,  but  also  by  the 


new  king  of  Sodom.  It  was,  therefore,  in  the  moun- 
tains and  in  the  shadow  of  the  sanctuary  of  the  Most 
High  God  that  the  newly-appointed  prince  was  to  be 
found,  rather  than  in  the  vale  of  Siddim.  Does  not 
this  show  that  the  king  of  Jerusalem  already  exercised 
that  sovereignty  over  the  surrounding  district  that 
Ebed-Kheba  did  in  the  century  before  the  Exodus? 
As  we  have  seen,  Jerusalem  commanded  the  trade- 
route  of  the  bitumen,  and  one  of  the  duties  which 
Ebed-Kheba  tells  us  devolved  upon  him  was  that  of 
looking  after  the  safety  of  the  caravans.  It  would 
seem,  then,  that  the  priest-king  of  the  great  fortress 
in  the  mountains  was  already  acknowledged  as  the 
dominant  Canaanitish  ruler,  and  that  the  neighbour- 
ing princes  had  to  pay  him  homage  when  they  first 
received  the  crown. 

Long  after  the  defeat  of  Chedor-laomer  and  his 
allies,  if  we  are  to  accept  the  traditional  belief, 
Abraham  was  again  destined  to  visit  Jerusalem.  But 
he  had  .ceased  to  be  "  Abram  the  Hebrew,"  the  con- 
federate of  the  Amorite  chieftains  in  the  plain  of 
Mamre,  and  had  become  Abraham  the  father  Of  the 
promised  seed.  Isaac  had  been  born  to  him,  and  he 
was  called  upon  to  sacrifice  his  first-born  son. 

The  place  of  sacrifice  was  upon  one  of  the  moun- 
tains in  the  land  of  Moriah.  There  at  the  last  moment 
the  hand  of  the  father  was  stayed,  and  a  ram  was 
substituted  for  the  human  victim.  "And  Abraham 
called  the  name  of  that  place  Yahveh-yireh ;  as  it  is 
said  to  this  day,  In  the  mount  of  the  Lord  it  shall  be 
seen."  According  to  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  Chroni- 
cles (2  Chron.  iii.  1),  this  mount  of  the  Lord  where 
Abraham's  sacrifice  was  offered  was  the  temple-mount 
at  Jerusalem.     The  proverb  quoted  in  Genesis  seems 


to  indicate  the  same  fact.  Moreover,  the  distance  of 
the  mountain  from  Beer-sheba — three  days'  journey 
— would  be  also  the  distance  of  Jerusalem  from 
Abraham's  starting-place. 

It  is  even  possible  that  in  the  name  of  Yahveh- 
yireh  we  have  a  play  upon  the  first  element  in  the 
name  of  Jeru-salem.  The  word  uru,  "city,"  became 
yeru  or  yiru  in  Hebrew  pronunciation,  and  between 
this  and  yireh  the  difference  is  not  great.  Yahveh- 
yireh,  "the  Lord  sees,"  might  also  be  interpreted  "the 
Lord  of  Yeru." 

The  temple-hill  was  emphatically  "the  mount  of 
the  Lord."  In  Ezekiel  (xliii.  15)  the  altar  that  stood 
upon  it  is  called  Har-el,  "the  mountain  of  God."  The 
term  reminds  us  of  Babylonia,  where  the  mercy-seat 
of  the  great  temple  of  Bel-Merodach  at  Babylon  was 
termed  Du-azagga,  "the  holy  hill."  It  was  on  this 
"seat  of  the  oracles,"  as  it  was  termed,  that  the  god 
enthroned  himself  at  the  beginning  of  each  year,  and 
announced  his  will  to  mankind.  But  the  mercy-seat 
was  entitled  "the  holy  hill"  only  because  it  was  a 
miniature  copy  of  "the  holy  hill"  upon  which  the 
whole  temple  was  erected.  So,  too,  at  Jerusalem,  the 
altar  is  called  "the  mount  of  God"  by  Ezekiel  only 
because  it  represents  that  greater  "mount  of  God" 
upon  which  it  was  built.  The  temple-hill  itself  was 
the  primitive  Har-el. 

The  list  of  conquered  localities  in  Palestine  recorded 
by  Thothmes  III.  at  Karnak  gives  indirect  testimony 
to  the  same  fact.  The  name  of  Rabbah  of  Judah  is 
immediately  preceded  in  it  by  that  of  Har-el,  "the 
mount  of  God."  The  position  of  this  Har-el  leads 
us  to  the  very  mountain  tract  in  the  midst  of  which 
Jerusalem  stood.     We  now  know  that  Jerusalem  was 


already  an  important  city  in  the  age  of  the  eighteenth 
Egyptian  dynasty,  and  that  it  formed  one  of  the 
Egyptian  conquests;  it  would  be  strange  therefore  if 
no  notice  had  been  taken  of  it  by  the  compiler  of 
the  list.  May  we  not  see,  then,  in  the  Har-el  of  the 
Egyptian  scribe  the  sacred  mountain  of  Israelitish 
history  ? 

There  is  a  passage  in  one  of  the  letters  of  Ebed- 
Kheba  which  may  throw  further  light  on  the  history 
of  the  temple-hill.  Here  the  king  of  Jerusalem  says 
that  "just  now  the  city  of  the  mountain  of  Jerusalem, 
the  city  of  the  temple  of  the  god  Nin-ip  is  its  name, 
the  city  of  the  king  (of  Egypt),  has  revolted  to  the 
men  of  Keilah."  Nin-ip  was  a  Babylonian  god,  the 
precise  pronunciation  of  whose  name  is  still  doubtful, 
so  that  what  he  may  have  been  called  in  the  language 
of  Canaan  is  unknown.  But  the  important  thing  to 
notice  is  that  it  was  a  temple-city  which  stood  on 
"the  mountain  of  Jerusalem" — not  "land  of  Jeru- 
salem," as  it  has  been  sometimes,  but  erroneously, 
translated — and  we  may,  therefore,  identify  it  with 
the  temple-mount  of  later  days  and  the  site  of  the 
ancient  temple  of  Salim.  The  words  of  Ebed-Kheba 
imply  that  it  was  separate  from  Jerusalem  itself, 
though  standing  on  the  same  mountain-group  as  the 
great  fortress.  Hence  we  might  identify  Jerusalem 
with  the  city  on  Mount  Zion,  the  Jebusite  strong- 
hold of  a  later  date,  while  "the  city  of  Beth-Nin-ip  " 
would  be  that  which  centred  round  the  temple  on 

However  this  may  be,  the  fortress  and  the  temple- 
hill  were  distinct  from  one  another  in  the  days  of 
the  Jebusites,  and  we  may  therefore  assume  that  they 
were  also  distinct  in  the  age  of  Abraham.    This  might 


explain  why  it  was  that  the  mountain  of  Moriah  on 
the  summit  of  which  the  patriarch  offered  his  sacrifice 
was  not  enclosed  within  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and 
was  not  covered  with  buildings.  It  was  a  spot,  on 
the  contrary,  where  sheep  could  feed,  and  a  ram  be 
caught  by  its  horns  in  the  thick  brushwood. 

In  entering  Canaan,  Abraham  would  have  found 
himself  still  surrounded  by  all  the  signs  of  a  familiar 
civilization.  The  long-continued  influence  and 
government  of  Babylonia  had  carried  to  "the  land 
of  the  Amorites "  all  the  elements  of  Chaldean 
culture.  Migration  from  Ur  of  the  Chaldees  to 
the  distant  west  meant  a  change  only  in  climate 
and  population,  not  in  the  civilization  to  which  the 
patriarch  had  been  accustomed. 

Even  the  Babylonian  language  was  known  and 
used  in  the  cities  of  Canaan,  and  the  literature  of 
Babylonia  was  studied  by  the  Canaanitish  people. 
This  is  one  of  the  facts  which  we  have  learnt  from 
the  discovery  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets.  The 
cuneiform  system  of  writing  and  the  Babylonian 
language  had  spread  all  over  western  Asia,  and 
nowhere  had  they  taken  deeper  root  than  in  Canaan. 
Here  there  were  schools  and  teachers  for  instruction 
in  the  foreign  language  and  script,  and  record- 
chambers  and  libraries  in  which  the  letters  and  books 
of  clay  could  be  copied  and  preserved. 

Long  before  the  discovery  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
tablets  we  might  have  gathered  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment itself  that  such  libraries  once  existed  in  Canaan. 
One  of  the  Canaanitish  cities  taken  and  destroyed  by 
the  Israelites  was  Debir  in  the  mountainous  part  of 
Judah.  But  Debir,  "the  sanctuary,"  was  also  known 
by  two  other  names.     It  was  called  Kirjath-Sannah, 


"the  city  of  Instruction,"  as  well  as  Kirjath-Sepher, 
"the  city  of  Books." 

We  now  know,  however,  that  the  latter  name  is  not 
quite  correct.  The  Massoretic  punctuation  has  to  be 
emended,  and  we  must  read  Kirjath-Sopher,  "the  city 
of  the  Scribe(s),"  instead  of  Kirjath-Sepher,  "the 
city  of  Book(s)."  It  is  an  Egyptian  papyrus  which 
has  given  us  the  exact  name.  In  the  time  of 
Ramses  II.  an  Egyptian  scribe  composed  a  sarcastic 
account  of  the  misadventures  met  with  by  a  tourist 
in  Palestine — commonly  known  as  The  Travels  of  a 
Mohar — and  in  this  mention  is  made  of  two  adjoining 
towns  in  Southern  Palestine  called  Kirjath-Anab  and 
Befh-Sopher.  In  the  Book  of  Joshua  the  towns  of 
A  nab  and  Kirjath-Sepher  are  similarly  associated 
together,  and  it  is  plain,  therefore,  as  Dr.  W.  Max 
Miiller  has  remarked,  that  the  Egyptian  writer  has 
interchanged  the  equivalent  terms  Kirjath,  "city," 
and  Beth,  "house."  He  ought  to  have  written  Beth- 
Anab  and  Kirjath-Sopher.  But  he  has  given  us  the 
true  form  of  the  latter  name,  and  as  he  has  added  to 
the  word  Sopher  the  determinative  of  "writing,"  he 
has  further  put  beyond  question  the  real  meaning 
of  the  name.  The  city  must  have  been  one  of  those 
centres  of  Canaanitish  learning  where,  as  in  the 
libraries  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  a  large  body  of 
scribes  was  kept  constantly  at  work. 

The  language  employed  in  the  cuneiform  documents 
was  almost  always  that  of  Babylonia,  which  had 
become  the  common  speech  of  diplomacy  and  educated 
society.  But  at  times  the  native  language  of  the 
country  was  also  employed,  and  one  or  two  examples 
of  it  have  been  preserved.  The  legends  and  traditions 
of  Babylonia  served  as  text-books  for  the  student,  and 


doubtless  Babylonian  history  was  carried  to  the  west 
as  well.  The  account  of  Chedor-laomer's  campaign 
might  have  been  derived  in  this  way  from  the  clay- 
books  of  ancient  Babylonia. 

Babylonian  theology,  too,  made  its  way  to  the  west, 
and  has  left  records  of  itself  in  the  map  of  Canaan. 
In  the  names  of  Canaanitish  towns  and  villages  the 
names  of  Babylonian  deities  frequently  recur.  Rim- 
mon  or  Hadad,  the  god  of  the  air,  whom  the  Syrians 
identified  with  the  Sun-god,  Nebo,  the  god  of  pro- 
phecy, the  interpreter  of  the  will  of  Bel-Merodach, 
Anu,  the  god  of  the  sky,  and  Anat,  his  consort,  all 
alike  meet  us  in  the  names  sometimes  of  places,  some- 
times of  persons.  Mr.  Tomkins  is  probably  right  in 
seeing  even  in  Beth-lehem  the  name  of  the  primaeval 
Chaldasan  deity  Lakhmu.  The  Canaanitish  Moloch  is 
the  Babylonian  Malik,  the  Dagon  was  one  of  the 
oldest  of  Chaldasan  divinities  and  the  associate  of 
Anu.  We  have  seen  how  ready  Ebed-Kheba  was  to 
identify  the  god  he  worshipped  with  the  Babylonian 
Nin-ip,  and  among  the  Canaanites  mentioned  in  the 
letters  of  Tel  el-Amarna  there  is  more  than  one  whose 
name  is  compounded  with  that  of  a  Babylonian  god. 

Writing  and  literature,  religion  and  mythology, 
history  and  science,  all  these  were  brought  to  the 
peoples  of  Canaan  in  the  train  of  Babylonian  con- 
quest and  trade.  Art  naturally  went  hand  in  hand 
with  this  imported  culture.  The  seal-cylinders  of  the 
Chaldaeans  were  imitated,  and  Babylonian  figures  and 
ornamental  designs  were  borrowed  and  modified  by 
the  Canaanitish  artists.  It  was  in  this  way  that  the 
rosette,  the  cherub,  the  sacred  tree,  and  the  palmette 
passed  to  the  west,  and  there  served  to  adorn  the 
metal-work  and  pottery.     New  designs,  unknown  in 


Babylonia,  began  to  develop ;  among  others,  the  heads 
of  animals  in  gold  and  silver  as  covers  for  metal  vases. 
Some  of  these  "vases  of  Kaft,"  as  they  were  called, 
are  pictured  on  the  Egyptian  monuments,  and 
Thothmes  III.  in  his  annals  describes  "the  paterae 
with  goats'  heads  upon  them  and  one  with  a  lion's 
head,  the  productions  of  Zahi,"  or  Palestine,  which 
were  brought  to  him  as  tribute. 

The  spoil  which  the  same  Pharaoh  carried  away 
from  the  Canaanitish  princes  gives  us  some  idea  of 
the  art  which  they  patronized.  We  hear  of  chariots 
and  tent-poles  covered  with  plates  of  gold,  of  iron 
armour  and  helmets,  of  gold  and  silver  rings  which 
were  used  in  the  place  of  money,  of  staves  of  ivory, 
ebony,  and  cedar  inlaid  with  gold,  of  golden  sceptres, 
of  tables,  chairs,  and  footstools  of  cedar  wood,  inlaid 
some  of  them  with  ivory,  others  with  gold  and  pre- 
cious stones,  of  vases  and  bowls  of  all  kinds  in  gold, 
silver,  and  bronze,  and  of  the  two-handled  cups  which 
were  a  special  manufacture  of  Phoenicia.  Iron  seems 
to  have  been  worked  in  Canaan  from  an  early  date. 
The  Israelites  were  unable  to  drive  out  the  inhabitants 
of  "the  valley  "  because  of  their  chariots  of  iron,  and 
when  the  chariot  of  the  Egyptian  Mohar  is  disabled 
by  the  rough  roads  of  the  Canaanite  mountains  the 
writer  of  the  papyrus  already  referred  to  makes  him 
turn  aside  at  once  to  a  worker  in  iron.  There  was 
no  difficulty  in  finding  an  ironsmith  in  Canaan. 

The  purple  dye  of  Phoenicia  had  been  famous  from 
a  remote  antiquity.  It  was  one  of  the  chief  objects 
of  the  trade  which  was  carried  on  by  the  Canaanites 
with  Egypt  on  the  one  side  and  Babylonia  on  the 
other.  It  was  doubtless  in  exchange  for  the  purple 
that  the  "goodly  Babylonish  garment"  of  which  we 


are  told  in  the  Book  of  Joshua  (vii.  21)  made  its  way 
to  the  city  of  Jericho,  for  Babylonia  was  as  celebrated 
for  its  embroidered  robes  as  Canaan  was  for  its  purple 

We  hear  something  about  the  trade  of  Canaan  in 
the  cuneiform  tablets  of  Tel  el-Amarna.  The  king  of 
Alasiya  (or  Elishah),  for  instance,  asks  the  Egyptian 
king  to  prevent  the  custom-house  officer  annoying  his 
merchants  and  ships  on  their  arrival  in  Egypt,  and 
elsewhere  we  hear  of  the  trading  caravans  which 
traversed  Western  Asia  under  the  protection  of  the 
Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Governments.  On  one 
occasion  the  Babylonian  king  made  a  formal  com- 
plaint to  the  Egyptian  Government  about  an  attack 
on  certain  Babylonian  commercial  travellers  who  were 
robbed  and  wounded  while  passing  through  Canaan, 
which  was  at  the  time  an  Egyptian  province,  and  an 
indemnity  was  demanded  for  the  losses  they  had 

Babylonia  and  the  civilized  lands  of  the  East  were 
not  the  only  countries  with  which  Canaanitish  trade 
was  carried  on.  Negro  slaves  were  imported  from  the 
Soudan,  copper  and  lead  from  Cyprus,  and  horses 
from  Asia  Minor,  while  the  excavations  of  Mr.  Bliss 
at  Lachish  have  brought  to  light  beads  of  Baltic  amber 
mixed  with  the  scarabs  of  the  eighteenth  Egyptian 

A  large  part  of  the  trade  of  Phoenicia  was  carried 
on  in  ships.  It  was  in  this  way  that  the  logs  of  cedar 
were  brought  from  the  forests  at  the  head  of  the 
Gulf  of  Antioch,  and  the  purple  murex  from  the  coasts 
of  the  ^gean.  Tyre,  whose  wealth  is  already  cele- 
brated in  one  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets,  was  built 
upon  an  island,  and,  as  an  Egyptian  papyrus  tells  us, 


water  had  to  be  conveyed  to  it  in  boats.  So,  too,  was 
Arvad,  whose  navy  occupies  an  important  place  in  the 
Tel  el-Amarna  correspondence.  The  ships  of  Canaan 
were,  in  fact,  famous  from  an  early  date.  Two  classes 
of  vessel  known  to  the  Egyptians  were  called  "ships 
of  Gebal  "  and  "ships  of  Kaft,"  or  Krete,  and  Ebed- 
Kheba  asserts  that  "he  had  set  a  ship  upon  the  sea 
when  the  arm  of  the  Mighty  King  conquered  the 
forces  of  Naharaim  (Nahrima)  and  Kapasi."  Balaam's 
prophecy — "Ships  shall  come  from  Chittim  and  shall 
afflict  Asshur  and  shall  afflict  Eber,"  takes  us  back  to 
the  same  age. 

The  Aram-Naharaim  of  Scripture  is  the  Nahrina 
of  the  hieroglyphic  texts,  the  Mitanni  of  the  native 
inscriptions.  The  capital  city  Mitanni  stood  on  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  at  no  great  distance 
from  Carchemish,  but  the  Naharaim,  or  "Two 
Rivers,"  more  probably  mean  the  Euphrates  and 
Orontes  than  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  In  one 
of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  the  country  is  called 
Nahrima,  but  its  usual  name  is  Mitanni  or  Mitanna. 
It  was  the  first  independent  kingdom  of  any  size  or 
power  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Egyptian  empire  in  the 
age  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  and  the  Pharaohs 
Thothmes  IV.,  Amenophis  III.,  and  Amenophis  IV. 
successively  married  into  its  royal  family. 

The  language  of  Mitanni  has  been  revealed  to  us 
by  the  cuneiform  correspondence  from  Tel  el-Amarna. 
It  was  highly  agglutinative,  and  unlike  any  other 
form  of  speech,  ancient  or  modern,  with  which  we 
are  acquainted.  Perhaps  the  speakers  of  it,  like  the 
Hittites,  had  descended  from  the  north,  and  occupied 
territory  which  had  originally  belonged  to  Aramaic 
tribes.    Perhaps,  on  the  other  hand,  they  represented 


the  older  population  of  the  country  which  was  over- 
powered and  displaced  by  Semitic  invaders.  Which 
of  these  views  is  the  more  correct  we  shall  probably 
never  know. 

Along  with  their  own  language  the  people  of 
Mitanni  had  also  their  own  theology.  Tessupas  was 
god  of  the  atmosphere,  the  Hadad  of  the  Semites, 
Sauskas  was  identified  with  the  Phoenician  Ashtoreth, 
and  Sekhrus,  Zizanu,  and  Zannukhu  are  mentioned 
among  the  other  deities.  But  many  of  the  divinities 
of  Assyria  were  also  borrowed — Sin  the  Moon-god, 
whose  temples  stood  in  the  city  of  Harran,  Ea  the 
god  of  the  waters,  Bel,  the  Baal  of  the  Canaanites, 
and  Istar,  "the  lady  of  Nineveh."  Even  Amon  the 
god  of  Thebes  was  adopted  into  the  pantheon  in  the 
days  of  Egyptian  influence. 

How  far  back  the  interference  of  Aram-Naharaim 
in  the  affairs  of  Canaan  may  have  reached  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say.  But  the  kingdom  lay  on  the  high-road 
from  Babylonia  and  Assyria  to  the  West,  and  its  rise 
may  possibly  have  had  something  to  do  with  the 
decline  of  Babylonian  supremacy  in  Palestine.  The 
district  in  which  it  grew  up  was  called  Suru  or  Suri 
by  the  Sumerian  inhabitants  of  Chaldasa — a  name 
which  may  be  the  origin  of  the  modern  "Syria," 
rather  than  Assyria,  as  is  usually  supposed,  and  the 
Semitic  Babylonians  gave  it  the  title  of  Subari  or 
Subartu.  The  conquest  of  Suri  was  the  work  of  the 
last  campaign  of  Sargon  of  Accad,  and  laid  all 
northern  Mesopotamia  at  his  feet. 

We  gather  from  the  letters  of  Tel  el-Amarna  that 
the  Babylonians  were  still  intriguing  in  Canaan  in 
the  century  before  the  Exodus,  though  they  acknow- 
ledged that  it  was  an  Egyptian  province  and  subject 


to  Egyptian  laws.  But  the  memory  of  the  power 
they  had  'once  exercised  there  still  survived,  and  the 
influence  of  their  culture  continued  undiminished. 
When  their  rule  actually  ceased  we  do  not  yet  know. 
It  cannot  have  been  very  long,  however,  before  the 
era  of  Egyptian  conquest.  In  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
tablets  they  are  probably  called  Kassites,  a  name 
which  could  have  been  given  to  them  only  after  the 
conquest  of  Babylonia  by  the  Kassite  mountaineers 
of  Elam,  and  the  rise  of  a  Kassite  dynasty  of  kings. 
This  was  about  1760  B.C.  For  some  time  subse- 
quently, therefore,  the  government  of  Babylonia  must 
still  have  been  acknowledged  in  Canaan.  With  this 
agrees  a  statement  of  the  Egyptian  historian  Manetho, 
upon  which  the  critics,  in  their  wisdom  or  their 
ignorance,  have  poured  unmeasured  contempt.  He 
tells  us  that  when  the  Hyksos  were  driven  out  of 
Egypt  by  Ahmes  I.,  the  founder  of  the  eighteenth 
dynasty,  they  occupied  Jerusalem  and  fortified  it — 
not,  as  would  naturally  be  imagined,  against  the 
Egyptian  Pharaoh,  but  against  "the  Assyrians,"  as 
the  Babylonians  were  called  by  Manetho's  contem- 
poraries. As  long  as  there  were  no  monuments  to 
confront  them  the  critics  had  little  difficulty  in  proving 
that  the  statement  was  preposterous  and  unhistorical, 
that  Jerusalem  did  not  as  yet  exist,  and  that  no 
Assyrians  or  Babylonians  entered  Palestine  until  cen- 
turies later.  But  we  now  know  that  Manetho  was 
right  and  his  critics  wrong.  Jerusalem  did  exist,  and 
Babylonian  armies  threatened  the  independence  of 
the  Canaanite  states.  In  one  of  his  letters,  Ebed- 
Kheba,  king  of  Jerusalem,  tells  the  Pharaoh  that  he 
need  not  be  alarmed  about  the  Babylonians,  for  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem  is  strong  enough  to  resist  their 


attack.  Rib-Hadad  the  governor  of  Gebal  bears  the 
same  testimony.  "When  thou  didst  sit  on  the  throne 
of  thy  father,"  he  says,  "the  sons  of  Ebed-Asherah 
(the  Amorite)  attached  themselves  to  the  country  of 
the  Babylonians,  and  took  the  country  of  the  Pharaoh 
for  themselves;  they  (intrigued  with)  the  king  of 
Mitanna,  and  the  king  of  the  Babylonians,  and  the 
king  of  the  Hittites."  In  another  despatch  he  speaks 
in  a  similar  strain:  "The  king  of  the  Babylonians 
and  the  king  of  Mitanna  are  strong,  and  have  taken 
the  country  of  the  Pharaoh  for  themselves  already, 
and  have  seized  the  cities  of  thy  governor."  When 
George  the  Synkellos  notes  that  the  Chaldasans  made 
war  against  the  Phoenicians  in  1556  B.C.,  he  is  doubt- 
less quoting  from  some  old  and  trustworthy  source. 

We  must  not  imagine,  however,  that  there  was  any 
permanent  occupation  of  Canaan  on  the  part  of  the 
Babylonians  at  this  period  of  its  history.  It  would 
seem  rather  that  Babylonian  authority  was  directly 
exercised  only  from  time  to  time,  and  had  to  be  en- 
forced by  repeated  invasions  and  campaigns.  It  was 
the  influence  of  Babylonian  civilization  and  culture 
that  was  permanent,  not  the  Babylonian  government 
itself.  Sometimes,  indeed,  Canaan  became  a  Baby- 
lonian province,  at  other  times  there  were  only  certain 
portions  of  the  country  which  submitted  to  the  foreign 
control,  while  again  at  other  times  the  Babylonian 
rule  was  merely  nominal.  But  it  is  clear  that  it  was 
not  until  Canaan  had  been  thoroughly  reduced  by 
Egyptian  arms  that  the  old  claim  of  Babylonia  to  be 
its  mistress  was  finally  renounced,  and  even  then 
we  see  that  intrigues  were  carried  on  with  the 
Babylonians  against  the  Egyptian   authority. 

It  was  during  this  period  of  Babylonian  influence 


and  tutelage  that  the  traditions  and  myths  of  Chaldaea 
became  known  to  the  people  of  Canaan.  It  is  again 
the  tablets  of  Tel  el-Amarna  which  have  shown  us 
how  this  came  to  pass.  Among  them  are  fragments 
of  Babylonian  legends,  one  of  which  endeavoured  to 
account  for  the  creation  of  man  and  the  introduction 
of  death  into  the  world,  and  these  legends  were  used 
as  exercise-books  in  the  foreign  language  by  the 
scribes  of  Canaan  and  Egypt  who  were  learning  the 
Babylonian  language  and  script.  If  ever  we  discover 
the  library  of  Kirjath-sepher  we  shall  doubtless  find 
among  its  clay  records  similar  examples  of  Chaldaean 
literature.  The  resemblances  between  the  cosmogonies 
of  Phoenicia  and  Babylonia  have  often  been  pointed 
out,  and  since  the  discovery  of  the  Chaldaean  account 
of  the  Deluge  by  George  Smith  we  have  learned  that 
between  that  account  and  the  one  which  is  preserved 
in  Genesis  there  is  the  closest  possible  likeness, 
extending  even  to  words  and  phrases.  The  long- 
continued  literary  influence  of  Babylonia  in  Palestine 
in  the  Patriarchal  Age  explains  all  this,  and  shows 
us  how  the  traditions  of  Chaldaea  made  their  way  to 
the  west.  When  Abraham  entered  Canaan,  he 
entered  a  country  whose  educated  inhabitants  were 
already  familiar  with  the  books,  the  history,  and  the 
traditions  of  that  in  which  he  had  been  born.  There 
were  doubtless  many  to  whom  the  name  and  history 
of  "  LTr  of  the  Chaidees  "  were  already  known.  It 
may  even  be  that  copies  of  the  books  in  its  library 
already  existed  in  the  libraries  of  Canaan. 

There  was  one  Babylonian  hero  at  all  events  whose 
name  had  become  so  well  known  in  the  west  that  it 
had  there  passed  into  a  proverb.  This  was  the  name 
of  Nimrod,  "the  mighty  hunter  before  the  Lord."    As 


yet  the  cuneiform  documents  are  silent  about  him,  but 
it  is  probable  that  he  was  the  founder  of  Nineveh  who 
had  led  the  Semites  of  Babylonia  to  the  conquest  of 
Assyria.  He  is  called  the  son  of  Cush  or  Kas,  and 
"the  beginning  of  his  kingdom  "  was  Babylon,  which 
had  now  for  six  centuries  been  the  capital  of  the 
country.  His  name,  however,  was  as  familiar  to  the 
Canaanite  as  it  was  to  the  inhabitant  of  Chaldsea,  and 
the  god  before  whom  his  exploits  were  displayed  was 
Yahveh  and  not  Bel. 

It  was  about  1600  B.C.  that  the  Hyksos  were  finally 
expelled  from  Egypt.  They  were  originally  Asiatic 
hordes  who  had  overrun  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  and 
held  it  in  subjection  for  several  centuries.  At  first 
they  had  carried  desolation  with  them  wherever  they 
went.  The  temples  of  the  Egyptian  gods  were  de- 
stroyed and  their  priests  massacred.  But  before  long 
Egyptian  culture  proved  too  strong  for  the  invaders. 
The  rude  chief  of  a  savage  horde  became  transformed 
into  an  Egyptian  Pharaoh,  whose  court  resembled 
that  of  the  ancient  line  of  monarchs,  and  who  sur- 
rounded himself  with  learned  men.  The  cities  and 
temples  were  restored  and  beautified,  and  art  began 
to  flourish  once  more.  Except  in  one  respect  it  became 
difficult  to  distinguish  the  Hyksos  prince  from  his 
predecessors  on  the  throne  of  Egypt.  That  one 
respect  was  religion.  The  supreme  object  of  Hyksos 
worship  continued  to  be  Sutekh,  the  Baal  of  Western 
Asia,  whose  cult  the  foreigners  had  brought  with  them 
from  their  old  homes.  But  even  Sutekh  was  assimi- 
lated to  Ra,  the  Sun-god  of  On,  and  the  Hyksos 
Pharaohs  felt  no  scruple  in  imitating  the  native  kings 
and  combining  their  own  names  with  that  of  Ra. 
It  was  only  the  Egyptians  who  refused  to  admit  the 


assimilation,  and  insisted  on  identifying  Sutekh  with 
Set,  the  enemy  of  Horus. 

At  the  outset  all  Egypt  was  compelled  to  submit 
to  the  Hyksos  domination.  Hyksos  monuments  have 
been  found  as  far  south  as  Gebelen  and  El-Kab,  and 
the  first  Hyksos  dynasty  established  its  seat  in  Mem- 
phis, the  old  capital  of  the  country.  Gradually,  how- 
ever, the  centre  of  Hyksos  power  retreated  into  the 
delta.  Zoan  or  Tanis,  the  modern  San,  became  the 
residence  of  the  court :  here  the  Hyksos  kings  were 
in  close  proximity  to  their  kindred  in  Asia,  and  were, 
moreover,  removed  from  the  unmixed  Egyptian 
population  further  south.  From  Zoan,  "built" — or 
rather  rebuilt — "seven  years"  after  Hebron  (Num. 
xiii.  22),  they  governed  the  valley  of  the  Nile.  Their 
rule  was  assisted  by  the  mutual  jealousies  and  quarrels 
of  the  native  feudal  princes  who  shared  between  them 
the  land  of  Egypt.  The  foreigner  kept  his  hold  upon 
the  country  by  means  of  the  old  feudal  aristocracy. 

Thebes,  however,  had  never  forgotten  that  it  had 
been  the  birthplace  and  capital  of  the  powerful 
Pharaohs  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  dynasties,  of 
the  mighty  princes  who  had  conquered  the  Soudan, 
and  ruled  with  an  iron  hand  over  the  feudal  lords. 
The  heirs  of  the  Theban  Pharaohs  still  survived  as 
princes  of  Thebes,  and  behind  the  strong  walls  of  El- 
Kab  they  began  to  think  of  independence.  Apophis  II. 
in  his  court  at  Zoan  perceived  the  rising  storm,  and 
endeavoured  to  check  it  at  its  beginning.  According 
to  the  story  of  a  later  day,  he  sent  insulting  messages 
to  the  prince  of  Thebes,  and  ordered  him  to  worship 
Sutekh  the  Hyksos  god.  The  prince  defied  his  suze- 
rain, and  the  war  of  independence  began.  It  lasted 
for  several    generations,    during  which   the   Theban 


princes  made  themselves  masters  of  Upper  Egypt, 
and  established  a  native  dynasty  of  Pharaohs  which 
reigned  simultaneously  with  the  Hyksos  dynasty  in 
the  North. 

Step  by  step  the  Hyksos  stranger  was  pushed  back 
to  the  north-eastern  corner  of  the  delta.  At  length 
Zoan  itself  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Egyptians,  and 
the  Hyksos  took  refuge  in  the  great  fortress  of  Avaris 
on  the  extreme  border  of  the  kingdom.  Here  they 
were  besieged  by  the  Theban  prince  Ahmes,  and 
eventually  driven  back  to  the  Asia  from  which  they 
had  come.  The  eighteenth  dynasty  was  founded,  and 
Ahmes  entered  on  that  career  of  Asiatic  conquest 
which  converted  Canaan  into  an  Egyptian  province. 
At  first  the  war  was  one  of  revenge;  but  it  soon 
became  one  of  conquest,  and  the  war  of  independence 
was  followed  by  the  rise  of  the  Egyptian  empire. 
Thothmes  II.,  the  grandson  of  Ahmes,  led  his  forces 
as  far  as  the  Euphrates  and  the  land  of  Aram- 
Naharaim.  The  territories  thus  overrun  in  a  sort  of 
military  reconnaissance  were  conquered  and  annexed 
by  his  son  Thothmes  III.,  during  his  long  reign  of 
fifty-four  years  (March  20,  1503  B.C.,  to  February  14, 
1449  B.C.).  Canaan  on  both  sides  of  the  Jordan  was 
made  into  a  province,  and  governed  much  as  India 
is  to-day.  Some  of  the  cities  were  allowed  still  to 
retain  their  old  line  of  princes,  who  were  called  upon 
to  furnish  tribute  to  the  Egyptian  treasury  and  recruits 
to  the  Egyptian  army.  From  time  to  time  they  were 
visited  by  an  Egyptian  "Commissioner,"  and  an 
Egyptian  garrison  kept  watch  upon  their  conduct. 
Sometimes  an  Egyptian  Resident  was  appointed  by 
the  side  of  the  native  king;  this  was  the  case,  for 
example,  at  Sidon  and  Hazor.     Where,  however,  the 



city  was  of  strategical  or  political  importance  it  was 
incorporated  into  the  Egyptian  empire,  and  placed 
under  the  immediate  control  of  an  Egyptian  governor, 
as  at  Megiddo,  Gaza,  Gebal,  Gezer,  and  Tyre. 
Similarly  Ziri-Basana,  "the  field  of  Bashan,"  was 
under  the  government  of  a  single  khazan  or  "prefect." 
The  troops,  who  also  acted  as  police,  were  divided 
into  various  classes.  There  were  the  tsabi  pidati  or 
"bowmen,"  the  tsabi  saruti  or  "militia,"  the  Khabbati 
or  "Beduin  plunderers,"  and  the  tsabi  matsarti  or 
"Egyptian  soldiers  of  the  garrison,"  as  well  as  the 
tsabi  bitati  or  "house-guards,"  who  were  summoned 
in  cases  of  emergency.  Among  the  auxiliaries  were 
included  the  Serdani  or  Sardinians,  while  the  Sute — 
the  Sati  or  Sitti  of  the  hieroglyphic  texts — formed  the 
larger  portion  of  the  Beduin  ("  Bashi-bazouks  "),  and 
the  Egyptian  forces  were  divided  into  the  cavalry  or 
rather  charioteers,  and  the  Misi  (called  Mas'u  in  the 
hieroglyphics)  or  infantry. 

Fragments  of  the  annals  of  Thothmes  III.  have 
been  preserved  on  the  shattered  walls  of  his  temple  at 
Karnak.  Here,  too,  we  may  read  the  lists  of  places 
he  conquered  in  Palestine — the  land  of  the  Upper 
Lotan  as  it  is  termed — as  well  as  in  Northern  Syria. 
Like  the  annals,  the  geographical  lists  have  been 
compiled  from  memoranda  made  on  the  spot  by  the 
scribes  who  followed  the  army,  and  in  some  instances, 
at  all  events,  it  can  be  shown  that  they  have  been 
translated  into  Egyptian  hieroglyphs  from  Babylonian 
cuneiform.  The  fact  is  an  indication  of  the  conquest 
that  Asia  was  already  beginning  to  make  over  her 
Egyptian  conquerors.  But  the  annals  themselves  are 
a  further  and  still  more  convincing  proof  of  Asiatic 
influence.     To  cover  the  walls  of  a  temple  with  the 


history  of  campaigns  in  a  foreign  land,  and  an  account 
of  the  tribute  brought  to  the  Pharaoh,  was  wholly 
contrary  to  Egyptian  ideas.  From  the  Egyptian  point 
of  view  the  decoration  of  the  sacred  edifice  should 
have  been  theological  only.  The  only  subjects  repre- 
sented on  it,  so  custom  and  belief  had  ruled,  ought  to 
be  the  gods,  and  the  stereotyped  phrases  describing 
their  attributes,  their  deeds,  and  their  festivals.  To 
substitute  for  this  the  records  of  secular  history  was 
Assyrian  and  not  Egyptian.  Indeed  the  very  concep- 
tion of  annalistic  chronicling,  in  which  the  history  of 
a  reign  was  given  briefly  year  by  year  and  campaign 
by  campaign,  belonged  to  the  kingdoms  of  the  Tigris 
and  Euphrates,  not  to  that  of  the  Nile.  It  was  a  new 
thing  in  Egypt,  and  flourished  there  only  during  the 
short  period  of  Asiatic  influence.  The  Egyptian  cared 
comparatively  little  for  history,  and  made  use  of 
papyrus  when  he  wished  to  record  it.  Unfortu- 
nately for  us  the  annals  of  Thothmes  III.  remain 
the  solitary  monument  of  Egyptian  chronicling  on 

The  twenty-second  year  of  his  reign  (1481  B.C.) 
was  that  in  which  the  Egyptian  Pharaoh  made  his 
first  determined  effort  to  subdue  Canaan.  Gaza  was 
occupied  without  much  difficulty,  and  in  the  following 
year,  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  month  Pakhons,  he  set 
out  from  it,  and  eleven  days  later  encamped  at  Ihem. 
There  he  learned  that  the  confederated  Canaanitish 
army,  under  the  command  of  the  king  of  Kadesh  on 
the  Orontes,  was  awaiting  his  attack  at  Megiddo. 
Not  only  were  the  various  nations  of  Palestine  repre- 
sented in  it,  but  contingents  had  come  from  Naharaim 
on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  as  well  as  from  the 
Gulf  of  Antioch.  For  a  while  Thothmes  hesitated 
f  2 


whether  to  march  against  them  by  the  road  which 
led  through  'Aluna  to  Taanach  or  by  way  of  Zaft 
(perhaps  Safed),  whence  he  would  have  descended 
southward  upon  Megiddo.  The  arrival  of  his  spies, 
however,  determined  him  to  take  the  first,  and  accord- 
ingly, after  the  officers  had  sworn  that  they  would  not 
leave  their  appointed  posts  in  battle  even  to  defend 
the  person  of  the  king,  he  started  on  his  march,  and 
on  the  nineteenth  of  the  month  pitched  his  tent  at 
'Aluna.  The  way  had  been  rough  and  impassable 
for  chariots,  so  that  the  king  had  been  forced  to  march 
on  foot. 

'Aluna  must  have  been  close  to  Megiddo,  since  the 
rear  of  the  Egyptian  forces  was  stationed  there  during 
the  battle  that  followed,  while  the  southern  wing  ex- 
tended to  Taanach  and  the  northern  wing  to  Megiddo. 
The  advanced  guard  pushed  into  the  plain  below,  and 
the  royal  tent  was  set  up  on  the  bank  of  the  brook  of 
Qana,  an  affluent  of  the  Kishon.  The  decisive 
struggle  took  place  on  the  twenty-first  of  the  month. 
Thothmes  rode  in  a  chariot  of  polished  bronze,  and 
posted  himself  among  the  troops  on  the  north-west 
side  of  Megiddo.  The  Canaanites  were  unable  to 
resist  the  Egyptian  charge.  They  fled  into  the  city, 
leaving  behind  them  their  horses  and  their  chariots 
plated  with  gold  and  silver,  those  who  arrived  after 
the  gates  of  the  town  had  been  shut  being  drawn 
up  over  the  walls  by  means  of  ropes.  Had  the 
Egyptians  not  stayed  behind  in  order  to  plunder  the 
enemy's  camp  they  would  have  entered  Megiddo 
along  with  the  fugitives.  As  it  was,  they  were  com- 
pelled to  blockade  the  city,  building  a  rampart  round 
it  of  "fresh  green  trees,"  and  the  besieged  were  finallv 
starved  into  a  surrender. 


In  the  captured  camp  had  been  found  the  son  of  the 
king  of  Megiddo,  besides  a  large  amount  of  booty, 
including  chariots  of  silver  and  gold  from  Asi  or 
Cyprus.  Two  suits  of  iron  armour  were  also  obtained, 
one  belonging  to  the  king  of  Kadesh,  the  other  to  the 
king  of  Megiddo.  The  seven  tent-poles  of  the  royal 
tent,  plated  with  gold,  also  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Egyptians.  The  catalogue  of  the  spoil  was  written 
down  on  a  leather  roll  which  was  deposited  in  the 
temple  of  Amon  at  Thebes,  and  in  it  were  enumer- 
ated :  3401  prisoners  and  83  hands  belonging  to  the 
slain,  32  chariots  plated  with  gold,  892  ordinary 
chariots,  2041  mares,  191  foals,  602  bows,  and  200 
suits  of  armour. 

Before  the  campaign  was  ended  the  Egyptian  army 
had  penetrated  far  to  the  north  and  captured  Inuam, 
north  of  Damascus,  as  well  as  Anugas  or  Nukhasse, 
and  Harankal,  to  the  north  of  the  land  of  the  Amor- 
ites.  All  these  places  seem  to  have  belonged  to  the 
king  of  Kadesh,  as  his  property  was  carried  away  out 
of  them.  When  Thothmes  returned  to  Thebes  the 
quantity  of  spoil  he  brought  back  with  him  was 
immense.  "  Besides  precious  stones,"  golden  bowls, 
Phoenician  cups  with  double  handles  and  the  like, 
there  were  97  swords,  1784  pounds  of  gold  rings  and 
966  pounds  of  silver  rings,  which  served  as  money, 
a  statue  with  a  head  of  gold,  tables,  chairs,  and  staves 
of  cedar  and  ebony  inlaid  with  gold,  ivory  and 
precious  stones,  a  golden  plough,  the  golden  sceptre 
of  the  conquered  prince,  and  richly  embroidered  stuffs. 
The  fields  of  the  vanquished  province  were  further 
measured  by  the  Egyptian  surveyors,  and  the  amount 
of  taxation  annually  due  from  them  was  fixed.  More 
than  208,000  measures  of  wheat  were  moreover  carried 


off  to  Egypt  from  the  plain  of  Megiddo.  The 
Canaanitish  power  was  completely  broken,  and 
Thothmes  was  now  free  to  extend  his  empire  further 
to  the  north. 

Accordingly  in  the  following  year  (1479  B.C.)  we 
find  him  receiving  tribute  from  the  Assyrian  king. 
This  consisted  of  leather  bracelets,  various  kinds  of 
wood,  and  chariots.  It  was  probably  in  this  time 
that  Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates  was  taken,  the 
city  being  stormed  from  the  riverside.  Five  years 
later  the  first  part  of  the  annals  was  engraved  on 
the  wall  of  the  new  temple  of  Amon  at  Karnak,  and 
it  concluded  with  an  account  of  the  campaign  of  the 
year.  This  had  been  undertaken  in  Northern  Syria, 
and  had  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Uarrt  and  Tunip, 
now  Ten  nib,  to  the  north-west  of  Aleppo.  No  less 
than  one  hundred  pounds  of  silver  and  as  many  of 
gold  were  taken  from  Tunip,  as  well  as  lapis-lazuli 
from  Babylonia,  and  malachite  from  the  Sinaitic 
peninsula,  together  with  vessels  of  iron  and  bronze. 
Some  ships  also  were  captured,  laden  with  slaves, 
bronze,  lead,  white  gold,  and  other  products  of  the 
Greek  seas.  On  the  march  home  the  Egyptian  army 
took  possession  of  Arvad,  and  seized  its  rich  stores 
of  wheat  and  wine.  "Then  the  soldiers  caroused  and 
anointed  themselves  with  oil  as  they  used  to  do  on 
feast  days  in  the  land  of  Egypt." 

The  next  year  Kadesh  on  the  Orontes,  near  the 
Lake  of  Horns,  was  attacked  and  destroyed,  its  trees 
were  cut  down  and  its  corn  carried  away.  From 
Kadesh  Thothmes  proceeded  to  the  land  of  Phoenicia, 
and  took  the  cities  of  Zemar  (now  Sumra)  and  Arvad. 
The  heirs  of  four  of  the  conquered  princes  were 
carried  as  hostages  to  Egypt,  "so  that  when  one  of 


these  kings  should  die,  then  the  Pharaoh  should  take 
his  son  and  put  him  in  his  stead." 

In  1472  B.C.  the  land  of  the  Amorites  was  reduced, 
or  rather  that  part  of  it  which  was  known  as  Takhis, 
the  Thahash  of  Genesis  xxii.  24,  on  the  shores  of  the 
Lake  of  Merna,  in  which  we  should  probably  see  the 
Lake  of  Horns.  Nearly  500  prisoners  were  led  to 
Egypt.  The  Syrian  princes  now  came  to  offer  their 
gifts  to  the  conqueror,  bringing  with  them,  among 
other  things,  more  than  760  pounds  of  silver,  19 
chariots  covered  with  silver  ornaments,  and  41 
leathern  collars  covered  with  bronze  scales.  At  the 
same  time  the  whole  country  was  thoroughly  organ- 
ized under  the  new  Egyptian  administration.  Mili- 
tary roads  were  constructed  and  provided  with 
posting-houses,  at  each  of  which  relays  of  horses  were 
kept  in  readiness,  as  well  as  "the  necessary  provision 
of  bread  of  various  sorts,  oil,  balsam,  wine,  honey, 
and  fruits."  The  quarries  of  the  Lebanon  were 
further  required  to  furnish  the  Pharaoh  with  limestone 
for  his  buildings  in  Egypt  and  elsewhere. 

Two  years  later  Thothmes  was  again  in  Syria.  He 
made  his  way  as  far  as  the  Euphrates,  and  there  on 
the  eastern  bank  erected  a  stele  by  the  side  of  one 
which  his  father  Thothmes  II.  had  already  set  up. 
The  stele  was  an  imperial  boundary-stone  marking 
the  frontier  of  the  Egyptian  empire.  It  was  just  such 
another  stele  that  Hadad-ezer  of  Zobah  was  intending 
to  restore  in  the  same  place  when  he  was  met  and 
defeated  by  David  (2  Sam.  viii.  3). 

The  Pharaoh  now  took  ship  and  descended  the 
Euphrates,  "conquering  the  towns  and  ploughing 
up  the  fields  of  the  king  of  Naharaim."  He  then 
re-ascended  the  stream  to  the  city  of  Ni,   where  he 


placed  another  stele,  in  proof  that  the  boundary  of 
Egypt  had  been  extended  thus  far.  Elephants  still 
existed  in  the  neighbourhood,  as  they  continued  to 
do  four  and  a  half  centuries  later  in  the  time  of  the 
Assyrian  king  Tiglath-pileser  I.  Thothmes  amused 
himself  by  hunting  them,  and  no  less  than  120  were 

On  his  way  home  the  tribute  and  "yearly  tax"  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Lebanon  was  brought  to  him, 
and  the  corv^e-work  annually  required  from  them  was 
also  fixed.  Thothmes  indulged  his  taste  for  natural 
history  by  receiving  as  part  of  the  tribute  various 
birds  which  were  peculiar  to  Syria,  or  at  all  events 
were  unknown  in  Egypt,  and  which,  we  are  told, 
"were  dearer  to  the  king  than  anything  else."  He 
had  already  established  zoological  and  botanical 
gardens  in  Thebes,  and  the  strange  animals  and 
plants  which  his  campaigns  furnished  for  them  were 
depicted  on  the  walls  of  one  of  the  chambers  in  the 
temple  he  built  at  Karnak. 

Before  his  return  to  Egypt  he  received  the  tribute 
of  "the  king  of  Sangar,"  or  Shinar,  i.e.  Babylonia, 
and  "of  the  land  of  Khata  the  greater."  The  first 
consisted  for  the  most  part  of  lapis-lazuli,  real  and 
artificial,  of  which  the  most  prized  was  "the  lapis- 
lazuli  of  Babylon."  Among  the  gifts  was  "a  ram's 
head  of  real  lapis-lazuli,  15  pounds  in  weight."  The 
land  of  the  Hittites,  "the  greater,"  so  called  to  dis- 
tinguish it  from  the  lesser  Hittite  land  in  the  south 
of  Palestine,  sent  8  rings  of  silver,  400  pounds  in 
weight,  besides  "a  great  piece  of  crystal." 

The  following  year  Thothmes  marched  through 
"the  land  of  Zahi,"  the  "dry  land"  of  the  Phoenician 
coast,  to  Northern  Syria,  where  he  punished  the  king 


of  Anugas  or  Nukhasse,  who  had  shown  symptoms 
of  rebellion.  Large  quantities  of  gold  and  bronze 
were  carried  off,  as  well  as  15  chariots,  plated  with 
gold  and  silver,  6  iron  tent-poles  studded  with 
precious  stones,  and  70  asses.  Lead  and  various  kinds 
of  wood  and  stone,  together  with  608  jars  of  Lebanon 
wine,  2080  jars  of  oil,  and  690  jars  of  balsam,  were 
also  received  from  Southern  Syria,  and  posting- 
houses  were  established  along  the  roads  of  the  land 
of  Zahi.  A  fleet  of  Phoenician  merchant  vessels  was 
next  sent  to  Egypt  laden  with  logs  of  wood  from 
the  forests  of  Palestine  and  the  Lebanon  for  the  build- 
ings of  the  king.  At  the  same  time,  "the  king  of 
Cyprus,"  which  was  now  an  Egyptian  possession, 
forwarded  his  tribute  to  the  Pharaoh,  consisting  of 
108  bricks  of  copper  2040  pounds  in  weight,  5  bricks 
of  lead  nearly  29,000  pounds  in  weight,  no  pounds 
of  lapis-lazuli,  an  elephant's  tusk,  and  other  objects 
of  value. 

The  next  year  (1468  B.C.)  there  was  a  campaign 
against  the  king  of  Naharaim  who  had  collected  his 
soldiers  and  horses  "from  the  extreme  ends  of  the 
world."  But  the  Mesopotamian  army  was  utterly 
defeated.  Its  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Egyptians,  who,  however,  took  only  ten  prisoners, 
which  looks  as  if,  after  all,  the  battle  was  not  on  a 
very  large  scale. 

In  1464  B.C.  Thothmes  was  again  in  Northern  Syria. 
Among  the  booty  acquired  during  the  expedition  were 
"bowls  with  goats'  heads  on  them,  and  one  with  a 
lion's  head,  the  work  of  the  land  of  Zahi."  Horses, 
asses  and  oxen,  522  slaves,  156  jars  of  wine,  1752  jars 
of  butter,  5  elephants'  tusks,  2822  pounds  of  gold, 
besides  copper  and  lead,  were  among  the  spoils  of  the 


campaign.  The  annual  tribute  was  also  received  from 
Cyprus,  consisting  this  time  of  copper  and  mares,  as 
well  as  from  Aripakh,  a  district  in  the  Taurus. 

The  next  year  the  Pharaoh  led  his  troops  against 
some  country,  the  name  of  which  is  lost,  in  "the  land 
of  the  hostile  Shasu  "  or  Beduin.  The  plunder  which 
was  carried  off  from  it  shows  that  it  was  somewhere  in 
Syria,  probably  in  the  region  of  the  Lebanon.  Gold 
and  silver,  a  silver  double-handled  cup  with  a  bull's 
head,  iron,  wine,  balsam,  oil,  butter  and  honey,  were 
among  the  spoils  of  the  war.  Tribute  arrived  also 
from  "the  king  of  the  greater  Hittite  land,"  which 
included  a  number  of  negro  slaves. 

Revolt,  however,  now  broke  out  in  the  north.  Tunip 
rebelled,  as  did  also  the  king  of  Kadesh,  who  built 
a  "new"  fortress  to  protect  his  city  from  attack. 
Thothmes  at  once  marched  against  them  by  the  road 
along  "the  coast,"  which  led  him  through  the  country 
of  the  Fenkhu  or  Phoenicians.  First  he  fell  upon  the 
towns  of  Alkana  and  utterly  destroyed  them,  and 
then  poured  his  troops  into  the  neighbouring  land  of 
Tunip.  The  city  of  Tunip  was  taken  and  burnt,  its 
crops  were  trodden  under-foot,  its  trees  cut  down,  and 
its  inhabitants  carried  into  slavery.  Then  came  the 
turn  of  Kadesh.  The  "new"  fortress  fell  at  the  first 
assault,  and  the  whole  country  was  compelled  to 

The  king  of  Assyria  again  sent  presents  to  the 
Pharaoh,  which  the  Egyptian  court  regarded  in  the 
light  of  tribute.  They  consisted  chiefly  of  large 
blocks  of  "real  lapis-lazuli  "  as  well  as  "lapis-lazuli 
of  Babylon."  More  valuable  gifts  came  from  the  sub- 
ject princes  of  Syria.  Foremost  among  these  was  "a 
king's  daughter  all  glorious  with  [a  vesture  of]  gold." 


Then  there  were  four  chariots  plated  with  gold  and 
six  chariots  of  gold,  iron  armour  inlaid  with  gold,  a 
jug  of  silver,  a  golden  helmet  inlaid  with  lapis-lazuli, 
wine,  honey  and  balsam,  ivory  and  various  kinds  of 
wood,  wheat  in  such  quantities  that  it  could  not  be 
measured,  and  the  sixty-five  slaves  who  had  to  be 
furnished  each  year  as  part  of  the  annual  tax. 

The  annals  of  the  next  two  years  are  in  too 
mutilated  a  condition  to  yield  much  information. 
Moreover,  the  campaigns  carried  on  in  them  were 
mainly  in  the  Soudan.  In  1461  B.C.  the  record  closes. 
It  was  in  that  year  that  the  account  of  the  Pharaoh's 
victories  "which  he  had  gained  from  the  23rd  until 
the  (4)2nd  year "  1  were  engraved  upon  the  wall  of 
the  temple.  And  the  chronicle  concludes  with  the 
brief  but  expressive  words,  "Thus  hath  he  done  :  may 
he  live  for  ever !  " 

Thothmes,  indeed,  did  not  live  for  ever,  but  he 
survived  the  completion  of  his  temple  fourteen  years. 
His  death  was  followed  by  the  revolt  of  Northern 
Syria,  and  the  first  achievement  of  his  son  and  suc- 
cessor, Amenophis  II.,  was  its  suppression.  Ni  and 
Ugarit,  the  centres  of  disaffection,  were  captured  and 
punished,  and  among  the  prisoners  from  Ugarit  were 
640  "Canaanite"  merchants  with  their  slaves.  The 
name  of  Canaanite  had  thus  already  acquired  that 
secondary  meaning  of  "merchant"  which  we  find 
in  the  Old  Testament  (Is.  xxiii.  8;  Ezek.  xvii.  4).  It 
is  a  significant  proof  of  the  commercial  activity  and 
trading  establishments  of  the  Canaanite  race  through- 
out the  civilized  world.    They  had  already  made  their 

■  The  inscription  has  "32nd  year,"  but  as  the  wars  extended 
beyond  the  40th  year  of  the  king's  reign  this  must  be  a  sculptor's 


way  along  the  coasts  and  islands  of  the  eastern 
Mediterranean  in  search  of  the  purple  dye  for  which 
they  were  famous.  It  was  not  always,  however,  that 
the  Canaanites  were  so  honourably  distinguished. 
At  times  the  name  was  equivalent  to  that  of  "slave" 
rather  than  of  "  merchant,"  as  in  a  papyrus  l  where 
mention  is  made  of  the  Kan'amu  or  "Canaanite  slaves 
from  Khal."  So,  too,  in  another  papyrus  we  hear 
of  a  slave  called  Saruraz  the  son  of  Naqati,  whose 
mother  was  Kadi  from  the  land  of  Arvad.  The 
Egyptian  wars  in  Palestine  must  necessarily  have 
resulted  in  the  enslavement  of  many  of  its  inhabit- 
ants, and,  as  we  have  seen,  a  certain  number  of 
young  slaves  formed  part  of  the  annual  tax  levied 
upon  Syria. 

The  successors  of  Thothmes  III.  extended  the 
Egyptian  empire  far  to  the  south  in  the  Soudan. 
But  its  Asiatic  limits  had  already  been  reached. 
Palestine,  along  with  Phoenicia,  the  land  of  the 
Amorites  and  the  country  east  of  the  Jordan,  was 
constituted  into  an  Egyptian  province  and  kept 
strictly  under  Egyptian  control.  Further  north  the 
connection  with  the  imperial  government  was  looser. 
There  were  Egyptian  fortresses  and  garrisons  here 
and  there,  and  certain  important  towns  like  Tunip, 
near  Aleppo,  and  Qatna,  on  the  Khabur,  were  placed 
under  Egyptian  prefects.  But  elsewhere  the  con- 
quered populations  were  allowed  to  remain  under  their 
native  kings.  In  some  instances,  as,  for  example,  in 
Anugas  or  Nukhasse,  the  kings  were  little  more  than 
satraps  of  the  Pharaoh,  but  in  other  instances,  like 
Alasiya  in  Cilicia,  they  resembled  the  rulers  of  the 
protected  states  in  modern  India.  In  fact,  the  king 
1  Anast.  4,  16,  2. 


of  Alasiya  calls  the  Pharaoh  his  "brother,"  and  except 
for  the  obligation  of  paying  tribute  was  practically  an 
independent  sovereign. 

The  Egyptian  dominion  was  acknowledged  as  far 
north  as  Mount  Amanus.  Carchemish,  soon  to  be- 
come a  Hittite  stronghold,  was  in  Egyptian  hands, 
and  the  Hittites  themselves  had  not  yet  emerged  from 
the  fortresses  of  the  Taurus.  Their  territory  was  still 
confined  to  Kataonia  and  Armenia  Minor  between 
Melit^ne  and  the  Saros,  and  they  courted  the  favour 
of  the  Egyptian  monarch  by  sending  him  gifts. 
Thothmes  would  have  refused  to  believe  that  before 
many  years  were  over  they  would  wrest  Northern 
Syria  from  his  successors,  and  contend  on  equal  terms 
with  the  Egyptian  Pharaoh. 

The  Egyptian  possessions  on  the  east  bank  of 
Euphrates  lay  along  the  course  of  the  Khabur, 
towards  the  oasis  of  Singar  or  Shinar.  North  of  the 
Belikh  came  the  powerful  kingdom  of  Mitanni,  Aram- 
Naharaim  as  it  is  called  in  the  Old  Testament,  which 
was  never  subdued  by  the  Egyptian  arms,  and  whose 
royal  family  intermarried  with  the  successors  of 
Thothmes.  Mitanni,  the  capital,  stood  nearly  oppo- 
site Carchemish,  which  thus  protected  the  Egyptian 
frontier  on  the  east. 

Southward  of  the  Belikh  the  frontier  was  formed 
by  the  desert.  Syria,  Bashan,  Ammon,  and  Moab 
were  all  included  in  the  Pharaoh's  empire.  But  there 
it  came  to  an  end.  Mount  Seir  was  never  conquered 
by  the  Egyptians.  The  "city"  of  Edom  appears  in 
one  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  as  a  foreign  state 
whose  inhabitants  wage  war  against  the  Egyptian 
territory.  The  conquest  of  the  Edomites  in  their 
mountain  fastnesses  would  have  been  a  matter  of  diffi- 


culty,  nor  would  anything  have  been  gained  by  it. 
Edom  was  rich  neither  agriculturally  nor  commerci- 
ally; it  was,  in  fact,  a  land  of  barren  mountains,  and 
the  trade  which  afterwards  passed  through  the  Arabah 
to  Elath  and  Ezion-geber  in  the  Gulf  of  Aqabah  was 
already  secured  to  the  Egyptians  through  their  pos- 
session of  the  Gulf  of  Suez.  The  first  and  last  of  the 
Pharaohs,  so  far  as  we  know,  who  ventured  on  a  cam- 
paign against  the  wild  tribes  of  Mount  Seir,  was 
Ramses  III.  of  the  twentieth  dynasty,  and  his  cam- 
paign was  merely  a  punitive  one.  No  attempt  to 
incorporate  the  "Red  Land"  into  his  dominions  was 
ever  made  by  an  Egyptian  king. 

The  Sinaitic  peninsula,  the  province  of  Mafkat  or 
"Malachite,"  as  it  was  called,  had  been  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Egyptians  since  the  time  of  the  kings 
of  the  first  dynasty,  and  it  continued  to  be  regarded 
as  part  of  the  Egyptian  kingdom  up  to  the  age  of 
the  Ptolemies.  The  earliest  of  Egyptian  rock- 
sculptures  is  engraved  in  the  peninsula,  and  repre- 
sents Snefru,  the  founder  of  the  fourth  dynasty, 
slaughtering  the  Beduin  who  inhabited  it.  Its  pos- 
session was  valued  on  account  of  its  mines  of  copper 
and  malachite.  These  were  worked  by  the  Egyptian 
kings  with  the  help  of  convict  labour.  Garrisons  were 
established  to  protect  them  and  the  roads  which  led 
to  them,  colonies  of  officials  grew  up  at  their  side, 
and  temples  were  built  dedicated  to  the  deities  of 
Egypt.  Even  as  late  as  the  reign  of  Ramses  III. 
the  amount  of  minerals  produced  by  the  mines  was 
enormous.  They  existed  for  the  most  part  on  the 
western  side  of  the  peninsula,  opposite  the  Egyptian 
coast;  but  Ramses  III.  also  opened  copper  mines  in 
the  land  of  'Ataka  further  east,  and  the  name  of  the 


goddess  Hathor  in  hieroglyphics  has  been  found  by 
Dr.  Friedmann  on  the  shores  of  Midian. 

Vanquished  Syria  was  made  to  contribute  to  the 
endowments  of  the  Egyptian  temples.  Thus  the 
temple  of  Amon  at  Thebes  was  endowed  by  Thothmes 
III.  with  the  revenues  of  the  three  cities  Anugas, 
Inu'am,  and  Harankal ;  while  Seti  I.,  the  father  of 
Ramses  II.,  bestowed  upon  it  "all  the  silver,  gold, 
lapis-lazuli,  malachite,  and  precious  stones  which  he 
carried  off  from  the  humbled  land  of  Syria."  Temples 
of  the  Egyptian  gods,  as  well  as  towns,  were  built  in 
Syria  itself;  Meneptah  founded  a  city  in  the  land  of 
the  Amorites;  Ramses  III.  erected  a  temple  to  Amon 
in  "the  land  of  Canaan,  great  as  the  horizon  of  heaven 
above,  to  which  the  people  of  Syria  come  with  their 
gifts  "  ;  and  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  lately  discovered 
at  Gaza  show  that  another  temple  had  been  built  there 
by  Amenophis  II.  to  the  goddess  Mut. 

Amenophis  had  suppressed  the  rebellion  in  North- 
ern Syria  with  little  trouble.  Seven  Amorite  kings 
were  carried  prisoners  to  Egypt  from  the  land  of 
Takhis,  and  taken  up  the  river  as  far  as  Thebes. 
There  six  of  them  were  hung  outside  the  walls  of  the 
city,  as  the  body  of  Saul  was  hung  by  the  Philistines 
outside  the  walls  of  Beth-shan,  while  the  seventh  was 
conveyed  to  Napata  in  Ethiopia,  and  there  punished 
in  the  same  way  in  order  to  impress  a  lesson  of  obedi- 
ence upon  the  negroes  of  the  Soudan. 

Amenophis  II.  was  succeeded  by  Thothmes  IV., 
who  was  called  upon  to  face  a  new  enemy,  the  Hit- 
tites.  It  was  at  the  commencement  of  his  reign  that 
they  first  began  to  descend  from  their  mountain 
homes,  and  the  frontier  city  of  Tunip  had  to  bear 
the  brunt  of  the  attack.     It  was  probably  in  order  to 


strengthen  himself  against  these  formidable  foes  that 
the  Pharaoh  married  the  daughter  of  the  king  of 
Mitanni,  who  changed  her  name  to  Mut-em-ua.  It 
was  the  beginning  of  those  inter-marriages  with  the 
princes  of  Asia  which  led  to  the  Asiatized  court  and 
religion  of  Amenophis  IV.,  and  finally  to  the  over- 
throw of  the  eighteenth  dynasty. 

The  son  of  Mut-em-ua  was  Amenophis  III.,  whose 
long  reign  of  thirty-seven  years  was  as  brilliant  and 
successful  as  that  of  Thothmes  III.  At  Soleb  between 
the  second  and  third  cataracts  he  built  a  temple  to 
his  own  deified  self,  and  engraved  upon  its  columns 
the  names  of  his  vassal  states.  Among  them  are 
Tunip  and  Kadesh,  Carchemish  and  Apphadana,  on 
the  Khabur.  Shinar,  Assyria,  Naharaim,  and  the 
Hittites  also  appear  among  them,  but  this  must  be 
on  the  strength  of  the  tribute  or  presents  which  had 
been  received  from  them.  The  Pharaoh  filled  his 
harim  with  Asiatic  princesses.  His  queen  Teie,  who 
exercised  an  important  influence  upon  both  religion 
and  politics,  came  from  Asia,  and  among  his  wives 
were  the  sisters  and  daughters  of  the  kings  of  Baby- 
lonia and  Mitanni,  while  one  of  his  own  daughters 
was  married  to  Burna-buryas  the  Babylonian  sove- 
reign. His  marriage  with  Gilu-khipa,  the  daughter  of 
Sutarna,  king  of  Aram-Naharaim,  was  celebrated  on 
a  scarab,  where  it  is  further  related  that  she  was 
accompanied  to  Egypt  by  three  hundred  and  seven- 
teen "maids  of  honour."  Besides  allying  himself  in 
marriage  to  the  royal  houses  of  Asia,  Amenophis  III. 
passed  a  good  deal  of  his  time  in  Syria  and  Meso- 
potamia, amusing  himself  with  hunting  lions.  During 
the  first  ten  years  of  his  reign  he  boasts  of  having 
killed  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  two  of  them.     It 


was  in  the  last  of  these  years  that  he  married  queen 
Teie,  who  is  said  on  scarabs  to  have  been  the  daughter 
of  "Yua  and  Tua."  Their  tomb  has  been  discovered 
at  Thebes  by  Mr.  Theodore  M.  Davis,  filled  with 
precious  objects  which  are  now  in  the  Museum 
of  Cairo.  They  were  neither  of  them  royal  person- 
ages, nor  indeed  persons  of  any  rank  in  Egyptian 
society,  what  rank  they  possessed  being  derived  from 
the  marriage  of  their  daughter  with  the  Pharaoh. 
They  were,  in  fact,  foreigners,  as  is  shown  partly  by 
the  varying  attempts  made  by  the  Egyptian  scribes 
to  write  their  names,  which  are  not  spelt  in  a  uniform 
manner  even  on  the  objects  found  in  their  tomb,  and 
partly  by  the  non-Egyptian  form  of  their  skulls. 
Dr.  Elliott  Smith,  the  chief  anthropological  authority 
on  the  subject,  has  stated  that  the  cranial  character- 
istics point  to  Asia  Minor;  it  is  possible,  therefore, 
that  Teie  was  actually  of  Mitannian  origin.  That 
Amenophis  did  not  disdain  marrying  into  the  royal 
house  of  Mitanni  we  know  from  the  fact  that  one  of 
his  wives  was  the  daughter  of  the  Mitannian  king, 
though  she  was  not  the  chief  queen. 

When  Amenophis  III.  died  his  son  Amenophis  IV. 
seems  to  have  been  still  a  minora  At  all  events  the 
queen-mother  Teie  became  all-powerful  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  state.  Her  son,  the  new  Pharaoh,  had 
been  brought  up  in  the  religious  beliefs  of  his  mother, 
and  had  inherited  the  ideas  and  tendencies  of  his 
Asiatic  forefathers.  A  plaster-cast  of  his  face,  taken 
immediately  after  death,  was  discovered  by  Prof. 
Petrie  at  Tel  el-Amarna,  and  it  is  the  face  of  a  refined 
and  thoughtful  theorist,  of  a  philosopher  rather  than 
of  a  king,  earnest  in  his  convictions  almost  to 


Amenophis  IV.  undertook  no  less  a  task  than  that 
of  reforming  the  State  religion  of  Egypt.  For  many 
centuries  the  religion  of  the  priests  and  scribes  had 
been  inclining  to  pantheism.  Inside  the  temples  there 
had  been  an  esoteric  teaching,  that  the  various  deities 
of  Egypt  were  but  manifestations  of  the  one  supreme 
God.  But  it  had  hardly  passed  outside  them.  With 
the  accession  of  Amenophis  IV.  to  the  throne  came 
a  change.  The  young  king  boldly  rejected  the  reli- 
gion of  which  he  was  officially  the  head,  and  pro- 
fessed himself  a  worshipper  of  the  one  God  whose 
visible  semblance  was  the  solar  disk.  Alone  of  the 
deities  of  Egypt,  Ra,  the  ancient  Sun-god  of  Heli- 
opolis,  was  acknowledged  to  be  the  representative  of 
the  true  God.  It  was  the  Baal-worship  of  Syria, 
modified  by  the  philosophic  conceptions  of  Egypt. 
The  Aten-Ra  of  the  "heretic  "  Pharaoh  was  an  Asiatic 
Baal,  but  unlike  the  Baal  of  Canaan  he  stood  alone; 
there  were  no  other  Baals,  no  Baalim,  by  the  side 
of  him. 

Amenophis  was  not  content  with  preaching  and 
encouraging  the  new  faith ;  he  sought  to  force  it 
upon  his  subjects.  The  other  gods  of  Egypt  were 
proscribed,  and  the  name  and  head  of  Amon,  the 
patron  god  of  Thebes,  to  whom  his  ancestors  had 
ascribed  their  power  and  victories,  were  erased  from 
the  monuments  wherever  they  occurred.  Even  his 
own  father's  name  was  not  spared,  and  the  emissaries 
of  the  king,  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other, 
defaced  that  portion  of  it  which  contained  the  name 
of  the  god.  His  own  name  was  next  changed,  and 
Amenophis  IV.  became  Khu-n-Aten,  "the  splendour 
of  the  solar  disk." 

Khu-n-Aten 's    attempt    to    overthrow    the    ancient 


faith  of  Egypt  was  naturally  resisted  by  the  powerful 
priesthood  of  Thebes.  A  religious  war  was  declared 
for  the  first  time,  so  far  as  we  know,  in  the  history 
of  mankind.  On  the  one  side  a  fierce  persecution 
was  directed  against  the  adherents  of  the  old  creed; 
on  the  other  side  every  effort  was  made  to  impede 
and  defeat  the  Pharaoh.  His  position  grew  daily 
more  insecure,  and  at  last  he  turned  his  back  on  the 
capital  of  his  fathers,  and  built  himself  a  new  city 
far  away  to  the  north.  The  priests  of  Amon  had 
thus  far  triumphed;  the  old  idolatrous  worship  was 
carried  on  once  more  in  the  great  temple  of  Karnak, 
though  its  official  head  was  absent,  and  Khu-n-Aten 
with  his  archives  and  his  court  had  fled  to  a  safer 
home.  Upper  Egypt  was  left  to  its  worship  of  Amon 
and  Min,  while  the  king  established  himself  nearer 
his  Canaanite  possessions. 

Here  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Nile,  about  mid- 
way between  Minyeh  and  Siut,  the  new  capital  was 
founded  on  a  strip  of  land  protected  from  attack  by 
a  semi-amphitheatre  of  cliffs.  The  city,  with  its 
palaces  and  gardens,  extended  nearly  two  miles  in 
length  along  the  river  bank.  In  its  midst  rose  the 
temple  of  the  new  god  of  Egypt,  and  hard  by  the 
palace  of  the  king.  Both  were  brilliant  with  painting 
and  sculpture,  and  inlaid  work  in  precious  stones  and 
gold.  Even  the  floors  were  frescoed,  while  the  walls 
and  columns  were  enamelled  or  adorned  with  the 
most  costly  materials  that  the  Egyptian  world  could 
produce.  Here  and  there  were  statues  of  alabaster, 
of  bronze  or  of  gold,  some  of  them  almost  Greek  in 
form  and  design.  Along  with  the  reform  in  religion 
there  had  gone  a  reform  in  art.  The  old  conventional- 
ized art  of  Egypt  was  abandoned,  and  a  new  art  had 
Q  2 


been  introduced  which  aimed  at  imitating  nature  with 
realistic  fidelity. 

The  mounds  which  mark  the  site  of  Khu-n-Aten's 
city  are  now  known  as  Tel  el-Amarna.  It  had  a  brief 
but  brilliant  existence  of  about  thirty  years.  Then 
the  enemies  of  the  Pharaoh  and  his  work  of  reform 
finally  prevailed,  and  his  city  with  its  temple  and 
palaces  was  levelled  to  the  ground.  It  is  from  among 
its  ruins  that  the  wondering  fellah  and  explorer  of 
to-day  exhume  the  gorgeous  relics  of  its  past. 

But  among  these  relics  none  have  proved  more 
precious  than  the  clay  tablets  inscribed  with  cuneiform 
characters,  which  have  revolutionized  our  conceptions 
of  the  ancient  East.  They  were  preserved  in  the 
Foreign  Office  of  the  day.  This  formed  part  of  the 
public  buildings  connected  with  the  palace,  and  the 
bricks  of  which  it  was  built  were  stamped  with  an 
inscription  describing  its  character.  Many  of  the 
tablets  had  been  brought  from  the  archive  chamber 
of  Thebes,  but  the  greater  part  of  the  collection 
belongs  to  the  reign  of  Khu-n-Aten  himself.  It  con- 
sists almost  entirely  of  official  correspondence;  of 
letters  from  the  kings  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  of 
Mesopotamia  and  Kappadokia,  and  of  despatches 
from  the  Egyptian  governors  and  vassal-princes  in 
Syria  and  Palestine.  They  furnish  us  with  a  living 
and  unexpected  picture  of  Canaan  about  1400  B.C. 

Fragments  of  dictionaries  for  the  use  of  the  scribes 
have  also  been  recovered  from  the  debris  of  the  build- 
ing, as  well  as  the  seal  of  a  servant  of  Samas-akh- 
iddin  who  looked  after  the  cuneiform  correspondence. 
Like  several  of  the  Canaanitish  governors,  he  bore  a 
Babylonian  name.  Even  the  brother  of  Amenophis 
HI.,   who  had   been   made  king  of  Nukhasse,   had 


received  the  Babylonian  name  of  Rimmon-nirari.  No 
stronger  proof  could  be  found  of  the  extent  and 
strength  of  Babylonian  influence  in  the  West. 

At  Khut-Aten,  as  the  "heretic"  Pharaoh  called  his 
new  capital,  he  was  surrounded  by  the  adherents  of  the 
new  faith.  Many  of  them  were  doubtless  Egyptians, 
but  many,  perhaps  the  majority,  were  of  Asiatic  ex- 
traction. Already  under  his  father  and  grandfather 
the  court  had  been  filled  with  Canaanites  and  other 
natives  of  Asia,  and  the  great  offices  of  state  had 
been  occupied  by  them.  Now  under  Khu-n-Aten  the 
Asiatic  character  of  the  government  was  increased 
tenfold.  The  native  Egyptian  had  to  make  way  for 
the  foreigner,  and  the  rule  of  the  Syrian  stranger 
which  seemed  to  have  been  expelled  with  the  Hyksos 
was  restored  under  another  form.  Canaan  was 
nominally  a  subject  province  of  Egypt,  but  in  reality 
it  had  led  its  conqueror  captive.  A  semi-Asiatic 
Pharaoh  was  endeavouring  to  force  an  Asiatic  form 
of  faith  upon  his  subjects,  and  entrusting  his  govern- 
ment to  Asiatic  officials ;  even  art  had  ceased  to  be 
Egyptian  and  had  put  on  an  Asiatic  dress. 

The  tombs  of  Khu-n-Aten's  followers  are  cut  in  the 
cliffs  at  the  back  of  the  city,  while  his  own  sepulchre 
is  towards  the  end  of  a  long  ravine  which  runs  out 
into  the  eastern  desert  between  two  lofty  lines  of  pre- 
cipitous rock.  But  few  of  them  are  finished,  and  the 
sepulchre  of  the  king  himself,  magnificent  in  its 
design,  is  incomplete  and  mutilated.  The  sculptures 
on  the  walls  have  been  broken,  and  the  granite  sarco- 
phagus in  which  the  body  of  the  great  king  rested 
has  been  shattered  into  fragments  before  it  could 
be  lifted  into  the  niche  where  it  was  intended  to 
stand.     The    royal    mummy   was   torn    into   shreds, 


and  the  porcelain  figures  buried  with  it  dashed  to  the 

It  is  clear  that  the  death  of  Khu-n-Aten  must  have 
been  quickly  followed  by  the  triumph  of  his  enemies. 
His  capital  was  overthrown,  the  stones  of  his  temple 
carried  away  to  Thebes,  there  to  adorn  the  sanctuary 
of  the  victorious  Amon,  and  the  adherents  of  his 
reform  either  slain  or  driven  into  exile.  The  ven- 
geance executed  upon  them  was  national  as  well  as 
religious.  It  meant  not  only  a  restoration  of  the 
national  faith,  but  also  the  restoration  of  the  native 
Egyptian  to  the  government  of  his  country.  The 
feelings  which  inspired  it  were  similar  to  those  which 
underlay  the  movement  of  Arabi  in  our  own  time, 
and  there  was  no  English  army  to  stand  in  the  way 
of  its  success.  The  rise  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty 
represents  the  triumph  of  the  national  cause. 

The  cuneiform  letters  of  Tel  el-Amarna  show  that 
already  before  Khu-n-Aten's  death  his  empire  and 
power  were  breaking  up.  Letter  after  letter  is  sent 
to  him  from  the  governors  in  Canaan  with  urgent 
requests  for  troops.  The  Hittites  were  attacking  the 
empire  in  the  north,  and  rebels  were  overthrowing  it 
within.  "If  auxiliaries  come  this  year,"  writes  Ebed- 
Kheba  of  Jerusalem,  "the  provinces  of  the  king  my 
lord  will  be  preserved ;  but  if  no  auxiliaries  come  the 
provinces  of  the  king  my  lord  will  be  destroyed."  To 
thes~  entreaties  no  answer  could  be  returned.  There 
was  civil  and  religious  war  in  Egypt  itself,  and 
the  army  was  needed  to  defend  the  Pharaoh  at 

The  picture  of  Canaan  presented  to  us  by  the  Tel 
el-Amarna  correspondence  has  been  supplemented  by 
the    discovery    of    Lachish.      Five    years   ago    Prof. 


Flinders  Petrie  undertook  to  excavate  for  the  Pales- 
tine Exploration  Fund  in  the  lofty  mound  of  Tel 
el-Hesi  in  Southern  Palestine.  Tel  el-Hesi  stands 
midway  between  Gaza  and  Hebron  on  the  edge  of  the 
Judaean  mountains,  and  overlooking  a  torrent  stream. 
His  excavations  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  successive 
cities  built  one  upon  the  ruins  of  the  other,  and  in 
the  probability  that  the  site  was  that  of  Lachish.  The 
excavations  were  resumed  by  Mr.  Bliss  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  and  the  probability  was  raised  to  practical 
certainty.  The  lowest  of  the  cities  was  the  Lachish 
of  the  Amorite  period,  whose  crude  brick  walls,  nearly 
twenty-nine  feet  in  thickness,  have  been  brought  to 
light,  while  its  pottery  has  revealed  to  us  for  the  first 
time  the  characteristics  of  Amorite  manufacture.  The 
huge  walls  bear  out  the  testimony  of  the  Israelitish 
spies,  that  the  cities  of  the  Amorites  were  "great  and 
walled  up  to  heaven  "  (Deut.  i.  28).  They  give  in- 
dications, however,  that  in  spite  of  their  strength  the 
fortresses  they  enclosed  must  have  been  captured  more 
than  once.  Doubtless  this  was  during  the  age  of  the 
Egyptian  wars  in  Canaan. 

As  at  Troy,  it  is  probable  that  it  was  only  the 
citadel  which  was  thus  strongly  fortified.  Below  it 
was  the  main  part  of  the  town,  the  inhabitants  of 
which  took  refuge  in  the  citadel  when  an  enemy  threat- 
ened to  attack  them.  The  fortified  part,  indeed,  was 
not  of  very  large  extent.  Its  ruins  measured  only 
about  two  hundred  feet  each  way,  while  the  enclosure 
within  which  it  stands  is  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in 
diameter.  Here  a  regular  series  of  pottery  has  been 
found,  dating  from  the  post-exilic  age  through  suc- 
cessive strata  back  to  the  primitive  Amoritish  fortress. 
To  Prof.  Petrie  belongs  the  credit  of  determining  the 


characteristics  of  these  various  strata,  and  fixing  their 
approximate  age. 

The  work  begun  by  Prof.  Petrie  was  continued  by- 
Mr.  Bliss.  Deep  down  among  the  ruins  of  the  Amor- 
itish  town  he  found  objects  which  take  us  back  to  the 
time  of  Khu-n-Aten  and  his  predecessors.  They  con- 
sist of  Egyptian  beads  and  scarabs  of  the  eighteenth 
dynasty,  and  on  one  of  the  beads  are  the  name  and 
title  of  "the  royal  wife  Teie."  Along  with  them  were 
discovered  beads  of  amber  which  came  from  the  Baltic 
as  well  as  seal-cylinders,  some  of  them  imported  from 
Babylonia,  others  western  imitations  of  Babylonian 
work.  The  Babylonian  cylinders  belong  to  the  period 
which  extends  from  3000  to  1500  B.C.,  while  the  imita- 
tions are  similar  in  style  to  those  which  have  been 
found  in  the  pre-historic  tombs  of  Cyprus  and 

But  there  was  one  discovery  made  by  Mr.  Bliss 
which  far  surpasses  in  interest  all  the  rest.  It  is  that 
of  a  cuneiform  tablet,  similar  in  character,  in  contents, 
and  in  age  to  those  which  have  come  from  Tel  el- 
Amarna.  Even  the  Egyptian  governor  mentioned  in 
it  was  already  known  to  us  from  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
correspondence  as  the  governor  of  Lachish.  One  of 
the  cuneiform  letters  now  preserved  at  Berlin  was 
written  by  him,  and  Ebed-Kheba  informs  us  that  he 
was  subsequently  murdered  by  the  people  of  his  own 

Here  is  a  translation  of  the  letter  discovered  at  Tel 
el-Hesi 1 : — 

1  This  translation  differs  in  some  respects  from  that  previously 
given  by  me,  as  it  is  based  on  the  copy  of  the  text  made  from  the 
original  at  Constantinople  by  Dr.  Scheil  {Recueil  de  Travaux  tela- 
tifs  a  la  Philologie  et  a  P  Archdologie  dgyptiennes  et  assyriennesy  xv. 


"[To]  the  officer  .  .  .  [thus]  speaks  .  .  .  abi.  At 
thy  feet  I  prostrate  myself.  Verily  thou  knowest  that 
Dan-Hadad  and  Zimrida  have  made  conspiracy 
together,  and  Dan-Hadad  says  to  Zimrida :  Send 
Isyara  to  me,  O  my  father,  [and]  give  me  [3]  shields 
(?)  and  3  slings  and  3  falchions,  since  I  am  gone  out 
against  the  country  of  the  king  and  it  has  acted 
against  me ;  but  now  I  will  get  it  back.  As  regards  the 
scheme,  he  who  has  devised  the  scheme  is  Ilu-abu  : 
send  him  therefore  unto  me.  And  [now]  I  am 
despatching  Rabi-ilu  .  .  .  will  convey  to  him  .  .  . 
these  words." 

Yisyara  was  the  name  of  an  Amorite,  as  we  learn 
from  one  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets,  where  he  is 
mentioned  along  with  other  rebels  as  being  sent  in 
fetters  of  bronze  to  the  king.  Of  Dan-Hadad  we 
know  nothing  further,  but  Zimrida's  letter  is  as 
follows  :  — 

"To  the  king  my  lord,  my  god,  my  Sun-god,  the 
Sun-god  who  is  from  heaven,  thus  (writes)  Zimridi, 
the  governor  of  the  city  of  Lachish.  Thy  servant,  the 
dust  of  thy  feet,  at  the  feet  of  the  king  my  lord,  the 
Sun-god  from  heaven,  bows  himself  seven  times  seven. 
I  have  very  deligently  listened  to  the  words  of  the 
messenger  whom  the  king  my  lord  has  sent  to  me, 
and  now  I  have  despatched  (a  mission)  according  to 
his  message." 

It  was  towards  the  end  of  Khu-n-Aten's  reign,  when 
the  Egyptian  empire  was  falling  to  pieces,  that  the 
murder  of  Zimrida  took  place.  Ebed-Kheba  thus 
describes  it  in  a  letter  to  the  secretary  of  the  Pharaoh  : 

3>  4.  I37)-  As  I  stated  at  the  time,  my  copy  was  made  from  a  cast 
and  was  therefore  uncertain  in  several  places.  I  am  doubtful  whether 
even  now  the  published  text  is  correct  throughout. 


"The  Khabiri  (or  Confederates)  are  capturing  the 
fortresses  of  the  king.  Not  a  single  governor  remains 
among  them  to  the  king  my  lord;  all  are  destroyed. 
Behold,  Turbazu  thy  officer  [has  fallen]  in  the  great 
gate  of  the  city  of  Zelah.  Behold,  the  servants  who 
acted  against  the  king  have  slain  Zimrida  of  Lachish. 
They  have  murdered  Jephthah-Hadad  thy  officer  in 
the  gate  of  the  city  of  Zelah." 

We  hear  of  another  governor  of  Lachish,  Yabni-el 
by  name,  but  he  probably  held  office  before  Zimrida. 
At  all  events  the  following  despatch  of  his  has  been 
preserved  :  — 

"To  the  king  my  lord,  my  god,  my  Sun-god  the 
Sun-god  who  is  from  heaven,  thus  (writes)  Yabni-el,  the 
governor  of  the  city  of  Lachish,  thy  servant,  the  dust 
of  thy  feet,  the  groom  of  thy  horses ;  at  the  feet  of  the 
king  my  lord,  my  god,  my  Sun-god,  the  Sun-god  who 
is  from  heaven,  seven  times  seven  I  bow  myself. 
Glorious  and  supreme  [art  thou].  As  to  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  king  my  lord,  whom  he  has  sent  to 
me,  now  have  I  heard  all  the  words  which  Maya  the 
prefect  of  the  king  has  spoken  to  me.  Now  have  I 
done  everything." 

Zimrida  of  Lachish  must  be  distinguished  from 
another  Canaanite  of  the  same  name  who  was 
governor  of  Sidon.  This  latter  was  a  personal  enemy 
of  Rib-Hadad  the  governor  of  Gebal,  whose  letters 
to  Khu-n-Aten  form  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
Tel  el-Amarna  collection.  The  authority  of  Rib- 
Hadad  originally  extended  over  the  greater  part  of 
Phoenicia,  and  included  the  strong  fortress  of  Zemar 
or  Simyra  in  the  mountains.  One  by  one,  however, 
his  cities  were  taken  from  him  by  his  adversaries 
whom  he  accuses  of  rebellion  against  the  Pharaoh. 


His  letters  to  Egypt  are  accordingly  filled  with  im- 
ploring appeals  for  help.  But  none  was  sent,  and 
as  his  enemies  equally  professed  their  loyalty  to  the 
Egyptian  government,  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  was 
because  the  Pharaoh  suspected  Rib-Hadad  himself 
of  disaffection  or  because  no  troops  could  be  spared. 

Rib-Hadad  had  been  appointed  to  his  post  by 
Amenophis  III.,  and  in  one  of  his  letters  he  looks 
back  regretfully  on  "the  good  old  times."  When  his 
letters  were  written  he  was  old  and  sick.  Abimelech, 
the  governor  of  Tyre,  was  almost  the  only  friend  who 
remained  to  him.  Not  content  with  fomenting  rebel- 
lion in  his  district,  and  taking  his  cities  from  him, 
his  enemies  accused  him  to  the  Pharaoh  of  disloyalty 
and  misdoing.  Those  accusations  were  in  some  cases 
founded  on  truth.  He  confesses  to  having  fled  from 
his  city,  but  he  urges  that  it  was  to  save  his  life.  The 
troops  he  had  begged  for  had  not  been  sent  to  him, 
and  he  could  no  longer  defend  either  his  city  or  him- 
self. He  also  alleges  that  the  excesses  committed  by 
some  of  his  servants  had  been  without  his  knowledge. 
This  seems  to  have  been  in  answer  to  a  despatch  of 
Ammunira,  the  prefect  of  Beyrout,  in  which  he  in- 
formed the  king  that  he  was  keeping  the  brother  of 
the  governor  of  Gebal  as  a  hostage,  and  that  the 
latter  had  been  intriguing  against  the  government  in 
the  land  of  the  Amorites. 

Chief  among  the  adversaries  of  Rib-Hadad  was 
Ebed-Asherah,  who  belonged  to  the  ancient  royal 
house  of  Amurru  and  was  king  of  the  Amorites. 
Several  of  his  sons  are  mentioned,  but  the  ablest  and 
most  influential  of  them  was  Aziru  or  Ezer,  who  pos- 
sessed a  considerable  amount  of  power.  The  whole 
family,  while  professing  to  be  the  obedient  servants 


of  the  Pharaoh,  nevertheless  acted  with  a  good  deal 
of  independence,  and  sought  to  aggrandise  themselves 
at  the  expense  of  the  neighbouring  governors.  They 
had  at  their  disposal  a  large  body  of  "plunderers," 
or  Beduin  from  the  eastern  desert,  and  Rib-Hadad 
accuses  them  of  forming  secret  alliances  with  the 
kings  of  Babylonia,  of  Mitanni  and  of  the  Hittites. 
The  authority  of  Aziru  extended  to  the  northern 
frontier  of  the  empire ;  we  find  him  sent  with  the 
Egyptian  general  Khatip,  or  Hotep,  to  oppose  the 
Hittite  invasion,  and  writing  to  the  king  as  well  as 
to  the  prime  minister  Dudu  to  explain  why  they  had 
not  succeeded  in  doing  so.  Tunip  had  been  invested 
by  the  enemy,  and  Aziru  fears  that  it  may  fall  into 
their  hands.  The  Hittites  had  already  made  their  way 
into  the  land  of  Nukhasse,  and  were  from  thence 
marching  up  into  the  land  of  the  Amorites. 

On  the  heels  of  these  despatches  came  a  long  letter 
from  the  people  of  Tunip,  complaining  of  the  conduct 
of  Aziru,  and  protesting  against  his  doing  to  them 
what  he  had  done  to  the  city  of  Ni.  He  was  at  the 
time  in  the  land  of  the  Hittites,  doubtless  carrying  on 
the  war  against  the  general  enemy. 

To  these  accusations  Aziru  made  a  full  reply.  "O 
my  lord,"  he  begins,  "hearken  not  to  the  wicked  men 
who  slander  me  before  the  king  my  lord  :  I  am  thy 
servant  for  ever."  He  had  been  charged  with  want 
of  respect  to  the  Pharaoh,  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
not  received  the  royal  commissioner  Khani  on  his 
arrival  at  Tunip.  But,  he  replies,  he  did  not  know 
that  the  commissioner  was  coming,  and  as  soon  as 
he  heard  that  he  was  on  the  road  he  "followed  him, 
but  failed  to  overtake  him."  In  his  absence  Khani 
was  duly  received  by  the  brethren  of  Aziru,  and  Batti- 


el  (or  Bethuel)  furnished  him  with  meat  and  bread 
and  wine.  Moreover,  on  his  way  home  he  was  met 
by  Aziru  himself,  who  provided  the  commissioner 
with  horses  and  mules.  A  more  serious  charge  was 
that  of  seizing  the  city  of  Zemar.  To  this  Aziru 
answers  that  it  was  done  in  self-defence,  as  the  kings 
of  Xukhasse  had  always  been  hostile  to  him,  and  had 
robbed  him  of  his  cities  at  the  instigation  of  Khatip, 
who  had  also  carried  away  all  the  silver  and  gold 
which  the  king  had  placed  under  his  care.  Moreover 
he  had  not  really  seized  Zemar,  but  had  won  the 
people  over  to  himself  by  means  of  gifts.  Lastly,  he 
denied  the  accusation  that  he  had  received  the  envoy 
of  the  king  of  the  Hittites  and  refused  to  receive  the 
Egyptian  messenger,  although  the  country  he 
governed  belonged  to  the  king,  and  the  king  had 
appointed  him  over  it.  Let  the  Egyptian  envoy  make 
inquiries,  he  urges,  and  he  will  find  that  Aziru  has 
acted  uprightly. 

The  capture  of  Zemar  forms  the  burden  of  many 
of  the  letters  of  Rib-Hadad.  It  had  been  besieged 
for  two  months  by  Ebed-Asherah,  who  had  vainly 
attempted  to  corrupt  the  loyalty  of  the  governor  of 
Gebal.  For  the  time  Rib-Hadad  managed  to  save 
the  city,  but  Aziru  allied  himself  with  Arvad  and  the 
neighbouring  towns  of  Northern  Phoenicia,  captured 
twelve  of  Rib-Hadad's  men,  demanded  a  ransom  of 
fifty  pieces  of  silver  for  each  of  them,  and  seized  the 
ships  of  Zemar,  Beyrout,  and  Sidon.  The  forces  sent 
from  Gebal  to  Zemar  were  made  prisoners  by  the 
Amorite  chief  at  Abiliya,  and  the  position  of  Rib- 
Hadad  daily  became  more  desperate.  Pa-Hor,  the 
Egyptian  governor  of  Kumidi,  joined  his  opponents, 
and  induced  the  Sute  or  Beduin  to  attack  his  Sar- 


dinian  guards.  Yapa-Hadad,  another  governor,  fol- 
lowed the  example  of  Pa-Hor,  and  Zimridi,  the 
governor  of  Sidon,  had  from  the  first  been  his  enemy. 
Tyre  alone  remained  faithful  to  his  cause,  though  an 
"  Ionian  "  who  had  been  sent  there  on  a  mission  from 
Egypt  had  handed  over  horses,  chariots,  and  men  to 
Ebed-Asherah,  and  it  was  accordingly  to  Tyre  that 
Rib-Hadad  sent  his  family  for  safety.  Tyre,  however, 
now  began  to  suffer  like  Gebal  in  consequence  of  the 
alliance  between  Zimridi  and  Ebed-Asherah. 

Zemar  eventually  fell  into  the  hands  of  Ebed- 
Asherah  and  his  sons,  its  prefect  Khayapa  or  Khaip 
being  slain  during  the  assault.  Abimelech,  the 
governor  of  Tyre,  accuses  Zimridi  of  having  been  the 
cause.  Whether  this  were  so  or  not,  it  placed  the 
whole  of  Northern  Phoenicia  under  the  government 
or  the  influence  of  the  Amorite  chiefs.  If  Rib-Hadad 
spoke  the  truth,  Ebed-Asherah  had  "sent  to  the 
soldiers  in  Bit-Ninip,  saying,  4  Gather  yourselves 
together,  and  let  us  march  up  against  Gebal,  if  therein 
are  any  who  have  saved  themselves  from  our  hands, 
and  we  will  appoint  governors  throughout  all  the 
provinces;  '  so  all  the  provinces  went  over  to  the 
Beduin."  Provisions  began  to  be  scarce  in  Gebal, 
and  the  governor  writes  to  Egypt  for  corn. 

Rib-Hadad  now  threatened  the  Pharaoh  with 
deserting  to  his  enemies  if  succour  was  not  forth- 
coming immediately,  and  at  the  same  time  he  appealed 
to  Amon-apt  and  Khayapa,  the  Egyptian  commis- 
sioners who  had  been  sent  to  inquire  into  the  condition 
of  affairs  in  Canaan.  The  appeal  was  so  far  success- 
ful that  tioops  were  despatched  to  Zemar.  But  it  was 
too  late  :  along  with  Arka  it  had  already  been  occu- 
pied by  Ebed-Asherah,  who  thereupon  writes  to  the 


Pharaoh,  protesting  his  loyalty  to  Khu-n-Aten,  de- 
claring that  he  is  "the  house-dog"  of  the  king,  and 
that  he  guards  the  land  of  the  Amorites  for  "the 
king "  his  lord.  He  further  calls  on  the  Egyptian 
commissioner  Pakhanate,  who  had  been  ordered  to 
visit  him,  to  bear  witness  that  he  was  "defending" 
Zemar  and  its  fields  for  the  king.  That  Pakhanate 
was  friendly  to  Ebed-Asherah  may  be  gathered  from 
a  despatch  of  Rib-Hadad,  in  which  he  accuses  that 
officer  of  refusing  to  send  any  troops  to  the  relief  of 
Gebal,  and  of  looking  on  while  Zemar  fell.  Ebed- 
Asherah  goes  on  to  beg  the  king  to  come  himself, 
and  see  with  his  own  eyes  how  faithful  a  governor  he 
really  was. 

The  letters  of  Abimelech  of  Tyre  told  a  different 
tale,  and  the  unfortunate  Pharaoh  might  well  be 
excused  if  he  was  as  much  puzzled  as  we  are  to 
know  on  which  side  the  truth  lay,  or  whether  in- 
deed it  lay  on  either.  Abimelech  had  a  grievance 
of  his  own.  As  soon  as  Zimridi  of  Siron  learned  that 
he  had  been  appointed  governor  of  Tyre,  he  seized 
the  neighbouring  city  of  Usu,  which  seems  to  have 
occupied  the  site  of  Palaetyros  on  the  mainland, 
thereby  depriving  the  Tyrians  of  their  supplies  of 
wood,  food,  and  fresh  water.  The  city  of  Tyre  was 
at  the  time  confined  to  a  rocky  island,  to  which  pro- 
visions and  water  had  to  be  conveyed  in  boats.  Hence 
the  hostile  occupation  of  the  town  on  the  mainland 
caused  many  of  its  inhabitants  to  die  of  want.  To 
add  to  their  difficulties,  the  city  was  blockaded  by  the 
combined  fleet  of  Sidon,  Arvad,  and  Aziru.  The 
king  of  Sidon  seems  to  have  fled  to  Tyre  for  pro- 
tection, while  Abimelech  reports  that  the  king  of 
Hazor  had  joined  the   Beduin  under  Ebed-Asherah 


and  his  sons.  It  may  be  noted  that  a  letter  of  this 
very  king  of  Hazor  has  been  preserved,  as  well  as 
another  from  Ebed-Sullin,  the  Egyptian  governor 
of  the  city,  whose  powers  were  co-extensive  with  those 
of  the  king. 

Soon  afterwards,  however,  the  Sidonian  ships  were 
compelled  to  retreat,  and  the  Tyrian  governor  made 
ready  to  pursue  them.  Meanwhile  he  sent  his  mes- 
senger Elimelech  to  Khu-n-Aten  with  various  pre- 
sents, and  gave  the  king  an"  account  of  what  had  been 
happening  in  "Canaan."  The  Hittite  troops  had 
departed,  but  Etagama — elsewhere  called  Aidhu-gama 
— the  pa-ur  or  "prince"  of  Kadesh,  in  the  land  of 
Kinza,  had  joined  Aziru  in  attacking  Namya-waza, 
the  governor  of  Kumidi.  Abimelech  adds  that  his 
rival  Zimridi  of  Sidon  had  collected  ships  and  men 
from  the  cities  of  Aziru  against  him,  and  had  con- 
sequently defeated  him,  but  if  the  Pharaoh  would  send 
only  four  companies  of  troops  to  his  rescue  all  would 
be  well. 

Zimridi,  however,  was  not  behindhand  in  forward- 
ing his  version  of  events  to  the  Egyptian  court,  and 
assuring  the  king  of  his  unswerving  fidelity.  "Verily 
the  king  my  lord  knows,"  he  says,  "that  the  queen 
of  the  city  of  Sidon  is  the  handmaid  of  the  king  my 
lord,  who  has  given  her  into  my  hand,  and  that  I 
have  hearkened  to  the  words  of  the  king  my  lord  that 
he  would  send  to  his  servant,  and  my  heart  rejoiced 
and  my  head  was  exalted,  and  my  eyes  were  enlight- 
ened, and  my  ears  heard  the  words  of  the  king  my 
lord.  .  .  .  And  the  king  my  lord  knows  that  hostility 
is  very  strong  against  me;  all  the  [fortresses]  which 
the  king  gave  into  [my  hand]  had  revolted  "  to  the 
Beduin,  but  had  been  retaken  by  the  commander  of 


the  Egyptian  forces.  The  letter  throws  a  wholly 
different  light  on  the  relations  of  the  two  rival  parties 
in  Phoenicia. 

The  assertions  of  Rib-Hadad,  however,  are  sup- 
ported by  those  of  his  successor  in  the  government  of 
Gebal,  El-rabi-Hor.  Rib-Hadad  himself  disappears 
from  the  scene.  He  may  have  died,  for  he  complains 
that  he  is  old  and  sick ;  he  may  have  been  driven  out 
of  Gebal,  for  in  one  of  his  despatches  he  states  that 
the  city  was  inclined  to  revolt,  while  in  another  he 
tells  us  that  even  his  own  brother  had  turned  against 
him  and  gone  over  to  the  Amorite  faction.  Or  he 
may  have  been  displaced  from  his  post;  at  all  events, 
we  hear  that  the  Pharaoh  had  written  to  him,  saying 
that  Gebal  was  rebellious,  and  that  there  was  a  large 
amount  of  royal  property  in  it.  We  hear  also  that 
Rib-Hadad  had  sent  his  son  to  the  Egyptian  court  to 
plead  his  cause  there,  alleging  age  and  infirmities  as 
a  reason  for  not  going  himself.  However  it  may  have 
been,  we  find  a  new  governor  in  Gebal,  who  bears  the 
hybrid  name  of  El-rabi-Hor,  "a  great  god  is  Horus." 

His  first  letter  is  to  protest  against  Khu-n-Aten's 
mistrust  of  Gebal,  which  he  calls  "thy  city  and  the 
city  of  [thy]  fathers,"  and  to  assert  roundly  that 
"Aziru  is  in  rebellion  against  the  king  my  lord." 
Aziru  had  been  massacring  the  kings  of  Ni,  Arvad, 
and  Ammiya  (the  Beni-Ammo  of  Num.  xxii.  5),1  and 
with  the  help  of  his  Amorite  forces  was  destroying 
the  cities  of  the  Pharaoh.  So  El-rabi-Hor  asks  the 
king  not  to  heed  anything  the  rebel  may  write  about 
his  seizure  of  Zemar  or  his  massacre  of  the  royal 
governors,  but  to  send  some  troops  to  himself  for  the 
defence  of  Gebal.  In  a  second  letter  he  reiterates  his 
1  See  above,  p.  55. 



charges  against  Aziru,  who  had  now  "smitten  "  Adon, 
the  king  of  Arka,  and  possessed  himself  of  Zemar  and 
the  other  towns  of  Phoenicia,  so  that  Gebal  "alone" 
is  on  the  side  of  the  king,  who  "looks  on"  without 
doing  anything.  Moreover  a  fresh  enemy  had  arisen 
in  the  person  of  Eta-gama  of  Kadesh,  who  had  joined 
himself  with  the  king  of  the  Hittites  and  the  king 
of  Naharaim. 

Letters  to  Khu-n-Aten  from  Akizzi,  the  governor 
of  Qatna,  which,  as  we  learn  from  the  inscriptions  of 
Assur-natsir-pal,  was  situated  on  the  Khabur,  repre- 
sent Aziru  in  the  same  light.  First  of  all,  the  Egyptian 
government  is  informed  that  the  king  of  the  Hittites, 
together  with  Aidhu-gama  (or  Eta-gama)  of  Kadesh 
has  been  invading  Egyptian  territory,  burning  its 
cities,  and  carrying  away  from  Qatna  the  image  of 
the  Sun-god.  Khu-n-Aten,  it  is  urged,  could  not 
allow  the  latter  crime  to  go  unpunished.  The  Sun- 
god  had  created  him  and  his  father,  and  had  caused 
them  to  be  called  after  his  own  name.  He  was  the 
supreme  object  of  the  Pharaoh's  worship,  the  deity  for 
whose  sake  Khu-n-Aten  had  deserted  Thebes. 

The  Hittite  king  had  been  joined  in  his  invasion 
of  Syria  by  the  governors  of  some  otherwise  unknown 
northern  cities,  but  the  kings  of  Nukhasse,  Ni,  Zinzar 
(the  Sonzar  of  the  Egyptian  texts),  and  Tunanat  (a 
place  otherwise  unknown)  remained  faithful  to  the 
Egyptian  monarch.  The  rebel  governors,  however, 
were  in  the  land  of  Ube, — the  Aup  of  the  hiero- 
glyphics,— which  they  were  urging  Aidhu-gama  to 

Another  letter  brings  Aziru  upon  the  scene.  He 
is  accused  of  having  invaded  the  land  of  Nukhasse, 
and  made  prisoners  of  the  people  of  Qatna.     The 


Pharaoh  is  prayed  to  rescue  or  ransom  them,  and  to 
send  chariots  and  soldiers  to  the  help  of  his  Meso- 
potamian  subjects.  If  they  come  all  the  lands  round 
about  will  acknowledge  him  as  lord,  and  he  will  be 
lord  also  of  Nukhasse ;  if  they  do  not  come,  the  men 
of  Qatna  will  be  forced  to  obey  Aziru. 

It  is  probable  that  the  misdeeds  of  Aziru  which 
are  here  referred  to  were  committed  at  the  time  he 
was  in  Tunip,  professedly  protecting  it  against  Hit- 
tite  attack.  It  would  seem  from  what  Akizzi  says, 
that  instead  of  faithfully  performing  his  mission,  he 
had  aimed  at  establishing  his  own  power  in  Northern 
Syria.  While  nominally  an  officer  of  the  Pharaoh, 
he  was  really  seeking  to  found  an  Amorite  kingdom 
in  the  north.  In  this  he  would  have  been  a  pre- 
decessor of  Og  and  Sihon,  whose  kingdoms  were 
built  up  on  the  ruins  of  the  Egyptian  empire. 

A  despatch,  however,  from  Namya-waza,  the 
governor  of  Kumidi,  sets  the  conduct  of  Aziru  in  a 
more  favourable  light.  It  was  written  at  a  some- 
what later  time,  when  rebellion  against  the  Egyptian 
authority  was  spreading  throughout  Syria.  A  certain 
Biridaswa  had  stirred  up  the  city  of  Inu'am,  and 
after  shutting  its  gate  upon  Namya-waza  had  entered 
the  city  of  Ashtaroth-Karnain  in  Bashan,  and  there 
seized  the  chariots  belonging  to  the  Pharaoh,  hand- 
ing them  over  to  the  Beduin.  He  then  joined  the 
kings  of  Buzruna  (now  Bosra)  and  Khalunni  (near 
the  Wadi  'Allan),  in  a  plot  to  murder  Namya-waza, 
who  escaped,  however,  to  Damascus,  though  his  own 
brothers  turned  against  him.  The  rebels  next  attacked 
Aziru,  captured  some  of  his  soldiers,  and  in  league 
with  Etu-gama  wasted  the  district  of  Abitu.  Etak- 
kama,   however,  as  Eru-gama  spells  his  own   name, 

H  2 


professed  to  be  a  loyal  servant  of  the  Egyptian  king, 
and  one  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  is  from  him. 

We  next  hear  of  Namya-waza  in  Accho  or  Acre, 
where  he  had  taken  refuge  with  Suta,  or  Seti,  the 
Egyptian  commissioner.  Seti  had  already  been  in 
Jerusalem,  and  had  been  inquiring  there  into  the 
behaviour  of  Ebed-Kheba. 

The  picture  of  incipient  anarchy  and  rebellion 
which  is  set  before  us  by  the  correspondence  from 
Phoenicia  and  Syria  is  repeated  in  that  from  the 
centre  and  south  of  Palestine.  In  the  centre  the  chief 
seats  of  the  Egyptian  government  were  at  Megiddo, 
at  Khazi  (the  Gaza  of  i  Chron.  vii.  28),  near  Shechem, 
and  at  Gezer.  Each  of  these  towns  was  under  an 
Egyptian  governor,  specially  appointed  by  the 

The  governor  of  Khazi  bore  the  name  of  Suyarzana, 
Megiddo  was  under  the  authority  of  Biridi,  while  the 
governor  of  Gaza  was  Yapakhi.  There  are  several 
letters  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  collection  from  the  latter 
official,  chiefly  occupied  with  demands  for  help  against 
his  enemies.  The  district  under  his  control  was 
attacked  by  the  Sute  or  Beduin,  led  by  a  certain 
Labai  or  Labaya  and  his  sons.  Labai,  though  of 
Hittite  origin,  was  himself  professedly  an  Egyptian 
official,  the  Egyptian  policy  having  been  to  give  the 
title  of  governor  to  the  foreign  mercenary  leaders,  and 
to  attach  them  to  the  Egyptian  goverment  by  the  com- 
bined influence  of  bribery  and  fear.  Labai  accord- 
ingly writes  to  the  Pharaoh  to  defend  himself  against 
the  charges  that  had  been  brought  against  him,  and 
to  assure  Khu-n-Aten  that  he  was  "a  faithful  servant 
of  the  king";  "I  have  not  sinned,  and  I  have  not 
offended,  and  I  do  not  withhold  my  tribute  or  neglect 


the  command  to  turn  back  my  officers."  Labai,  it 
would  seem,  had  been  appointed  by  Amenophis  III. 
governor  of  Shunem  and  Beneberak  (Josh.  xix.  45), 
and  had  captured  the  city  of  Gath-Rimmon  when  it 
revolted  against  the  Pharaoh;  but  after  the  death  of 
Amenophis  he  and  his  two  sons  had  attacked  the 
Egyptian  officials  in  unblushing  style,  and  had  taken 
every  opportunity  of  pillaging  central  and  Southern 
Palestine.  As  we  shall  see,  Labai  and  his  ally, 
Malchiel,  were  among  the  chief  adversaries  of  Ebed- 
Kheba  of  Jerusalem. 

On  one  occasion,  however,  Labai  was  actually  made 
prisoner  by  one  of  the  Egyptian  officers.  There  is  a 
letter  from  Biridi  stating  that  Megiddo  was  threatened 
by  Labai,  and  that  although  the  garrison  had  been 
strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  some  Egyptian  troops, 
it  was  impossible  to  venture  outside  the  gates  of  the 
town  for  fear  of  the  enemy,  and  that  unless  two  more 
regiments  were  sent  the  city  itself  was  likely  to  fall. 
Whether  the  additional  forces  were  sent  or  not  we  do 
not  know.  Labai,  however,  had  to  fly  for  his  life 
along  with  his  confederate  Yasdata,  who  was  the 
governor  of  some  city  near  Megiddo,  as  we  learn  from 
a  letter  of  his  in  which  he  speaks  of  being  with  Biridi. 
Of  Yasdata  we  hear  nothing  further,  but  Labai  was 
captured  in  Megiddo  by  Zurata,  the  prefect  of  Acra, 
who,  under  the  pretext  that  he  was  going  to  send  his 
prisoner  in  a  ship  to  Egypt,  took  him  first  to  the  town 
of  Khinatuna  ('En'athon),  and  then  to  his  own  house, 
where  he  was  induced  by  a  bribe  to  set  him  free  along 
with  his  companion,  Hadad-mekhir  (who,  by  the  way, 
has  bequeathed  to  us  two  letters). 

It  was  probably  after  this  that  Labai  wrote  to  the 
Pharaoh  to  exculpate  himself,  though  his  language, 


in  spite  of  its  conventional  submissiveness,  could  not 
have  been  very  acceptable  at  the  Egyptian  court.  In 
one  of  his  letters  he  excuses  himself  partly  on  the 
ground  that  even  "the  food  of  his  stomach  "  had  been 
taken  from  him,  partly  that  he  had  attacked  and  en- 
tered Gezer  only  in  order  to  recover  the  property  of 
himself  and  his  friend  Malchiel,  partly  because  a  cer- 
tain Bin-sumya  whom  the  Pharaoh  had  sent  against 
him  had  really  "given  a  city  and  property  in  it  to 
my  father,  saying  that  if  the  king  sends  for  my  wife 
I  shall  withhold  her,  and  if  the  king  sends  for  myself 
I  shall  give  him  instead  a  bar  of  copper  in  a  large 
bowl  and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance."  A  second 
letter  is  still  more  uncompromising.  In  this  he  com- 
plains that  the  Egyptian  troops  have  ill-treated  his 
people,  and  that  the  officer  who  is  with  him  has 
slandered  him  before  the  king;  he  further  declares 
that  two  of  his  towns  have  been  taken  from  him,  but 
that  he  will  defend  to  the  last  whatever  still  remains 
of  his  patrimony. 

Malchiel,  the  colleague  of  Labai  in  his  attack  upon 
Gezer,  as  afterwards  upon  Ebed-Kheba  of  Jerusalem, 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  of  foreign  origin.  But 
as  long  as  the  Hittite  chief  could  be  of  use  to  him  he 
was  very  willing  to  avail  himself  of  his  assistance, 
and  it  was  always  easy  to  drop  the  alliance  as  soon 
as  it  became  embarrassing.  Malchiel  was  the  son- 
in-law  of  Tagi  of  Gath,  and  the  colleague  of  Su- 
yardata,  one  of  the  few  Canaanite  governors  whom 
the  Egyptian  government  seems  to  have  been  able  to 
trust.  Both  Su-yardata  and  Malchiel  held  commands 
in  Southern  Palestine,  and  we  hear  a  good  deal  about 
them  from  Ebed-Kheba.  "The  two  sons  of  Malchiel  " 
are  also  mentioned  in  a  letter  from  a  lady  who  bears 


a  Babylonian  name,  and  who  refers  to  them  in  con- 
nection with  an  attempt  to  detach  the  cities  of  Ajalon 
and  Zorah  (Josh.  xv.  33)  from  their  allegiance  to 
Egypt.  The  female  correspondents  of  the  Pharaoh 
are  among  the  most  curious  and  interesting  features 
of  the  state  of  society  depicted  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
tablets;  they  entered  keenly  into  the  politics  of  the 
day,  and  kept  the  Egyptian  king  fully  informed  of  all 
that  was  going  on. 

The  letters  of  Ebed-Kheba  are  so  important  that  it 
is  as  well  to  give  them  in  full.  They  all  seem  to  have 
been  written  within  a  few  months,  or  perhaps  even 
weeks,  of  one  another,  when  the  enemies  of  the 
governor  of  Jerusalem  were  gathering  around  him, 
and  no  response  came  from  Egypt  to  his  requests  for 
help.  The  dotted  lines  mark  the  words  and  passages 
which  have  been  lost  through  the  fracture  of  the  clay 

(I.)  "To  the  king  my  lord  [my]  Sun-god,  thus 
[speaks]  Ebed-Kheba  thy  servant :  at  the  feet  of  the 
king  my  lord  seven  times  seven  I  prostrate  myself. 
Behold,  the  king  has  established  his  name  at  the 
rising  of  the  sun  and  the  setting  of  the  sun.  Slanders 
have  been  uttered  against  me.  Behold,  I  am  not  a 
governor,  a  vassal  of  the  king  my  lord.  Behold,  I  am 
an  ally  of  the  king,  and  I  have  paid  the  tribute  due 
to  the  king,  even  I.  Neither  my  father  nor  my  mother, 
but  it  was  the  arm  of  the  Mighty  King  that  estab- 
lished [me]  in  the  house  of  [my]  fathers.  When  .  .  . 
came  to  me  I  gave  him  as  a  present  10  slaves.  Suta 
(Seti)  the  Commissioner  of  the  king  has  come  to  me  : 
21  female  slaves  and  80  male  slaves  captured  in  war 
have  been  given  into  the  hands  of  Suta  as  a  gift  for 
the  king  my  lord;  let  the  king  therefore  care  for  his 


country.  The  country  of  the  king  is  being  destroyed, 
all  of  it.  Hostilities  are  carried  on  against  me  as  far 
as  the  mountains  of  Seir  (Josh.  xv.  10)  and  the  city 
of  Gath-Karmel  (Josh.  xv.  55).  All  the  other 
governors  are  at  peace,  but  there  is  war  against 
myself,  since  I  see  the  foe,  but  I  do  not  see  the  eyes 
of  the  king  my  lord  because  war  has  been  raised 
against  me.  When  there  was  a  ship  in  the  midst  of 
the  sea,  the  arm  of  the  Mighty  King  conquered  the 
countries  of  Naharaim  (Nakhrima)  and  Kapasi.  But 
now  the  Confederates  (Khabiri)  are  capturing  the 
fortresses  of  the  king.  Not  a  single  governor  remains 
among  them  to  the  king  my  lord ;  all  have  perished. 
Behold,  Turbazu,  thy  military  officer,  [has  fallen]  in 
the  great  gate  of  the  city  of  Zelah  (Josh,  xviii.  28). 
Behold,  Zimrida  of  Lachish  has  been  murdered  by 
the  servants  who  have  revolted  against  the  king. 
Jephthah-Hadad,  thy  military  officer,  has  been  slain 
in  the  great  gate  of  Zelah.  .  .  .  May  the  king  [my 
lord]  send  help  [to  his  country]  !  May  the  king  turn 
his  face  to  [his  subjects]  !  May  he  despatch  troops 
to  [his]  country  !  [Behold,]  if  no  troops  come  this 
year,  all  the  countries  of  the  king  my  lord  will  be 
utterly  destroyed.  They  do  not  say  before  the  face 
of  the  king  my  lord  that  the  country  of  the  king  my 
lord  is  destroyed,  and  that  all  the  governors  are 
destroyed,  if  no  troops  come  this  year.  Let  the  king 
send  a  commissioner,  and  let  him  come  to  me,  even 
to  me,  with  auxiliary  troops,  and  we  will  die  with  the 
king  [our]  lord. — [To]  the  secretary  of  the  king  my 
lord  [speaks]  Ebed-Kheba  [thy]  servant.  At  [thy] 
feet  [I  prostrate  myself.]  Let  a  report  of  [my]  words 
be  laid  before  the  king  [my]  lord.  Thy  servant  and 
son  am  I." 


(II.)  "To  the  king  my  lord  thus  speaks  Ebed- 
Kheba  thy  servant :  at  the  feet  of  the  king  my  lord 
seven  times  seven  I  prostrate  myself.  What  have  I 
done  against  the  king  my  lord?  They  have  slandered 
me,  laying  wait  for  me  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  the 
lord,  saying :  Ebed-Kheba  has  revolted  from  the  king 
his  lord.  Behold,  neither  my  father  nor  my  mother 
has  established  me  in  this  place;  the  arm  of  the 
Mighty  King  has  caused  me  to  enter  the  house  of 
my  father.  Why  should  I  have  committed  a  sin 
against  the  king  the  lord  ?  As  long  as  the  king  my 
lord  lives,  I  will  say  to  the  officer  of  the  king  [my] 
lord  :  Why  dost  thou  love  the  Confederates  and  hate 
the  governors  ?  And  constantly  I  am  sending  to  the 
presence  of  the  king  my  lord  to  say  that  the  countries 
of  the  king  my  lord  are  being  destroyed.  Constantly 
I  am  sending  to  the  king  my  lord,  and  let  the  king 
my  lord  consider,  since  the  king  my  lord  has  ap- 
pointed   the   men    of   the    garrison    which    has   been 

taken    by    Enkhamu Let    the    king 

send  help  to  his  country.  [Let  him  send  troops]  to 
his  country  which  protects  the  fortresses  of  the  king 
my  lord,  all  of  them,  since  Elimelech  is  destroying 
all  the  country  of  the  king;  and  let  the  king  send 
help  to  his  country.  I  have  said  I  will  go  down  along 
with  the  king  my  lord,  and  I  will  see  the  eyes  of  the 
king  my  lord ;  but  hostility  is  strong  against  me,  and 
I  am  therefore  not  able  to  go  down  from  (sic)  the 
king  my  lord;  and  let  the  king  incline  towards  my 
face;  let  him  despatch  a  guard  [for  me],  and  let  him 
appoint  a  commissioner  (?),  and  I  shall  not  see  the 
eyes  of  the  king  my  lord,  since  the  king  [my]  lord 
shall  live  when  the  commissioner  has  departed.  Be- 
hold, the  countries  of  the  king  [my  lord]  are  being 


destroyed,  yet  thou  dost  not  listen  to  me.  All  the 
goverors  are  destroyed ;  no  governor  remains  to  the 
king  the  lord.  Let  the  king  turn  his  face  to  his 
subjects,  and  let  him  send  auxiliaries,  even  the  troops 
of  the  king  my  lord.  No  provinces  remain  unto  the 
king;  the  confederates  have  wasted  all  the  provinces 
of  the  king.  If  auxiliaries  come  this  year,  the 
provinces  of  the  king  the  lord  will  be  preserved ;  but 
if  no  auxiliaries  come  the  provinces  of  the  king  my 
lord  are  destroyed. — [To]  the  secretary  of  the  king  my 
lord  Ebed-Kheba  [says:]  Give  a  report  of  my  words 
to  the  king  my  lord  :  the  provinces  of  the  king  my 
lord  are  being  destroyed  by  the  enemy." 

(III.)  "[To]  the  king  my  lord  [speaks]  Ebed-Kheba 
[thy]  servant :  [at  the  feet  of  the  king]  my  lord  seven 
[times  seven  I  prostrate  myself.    Behold,  let]  the  king 

[listen  to]  the  words  [of  his  servant] Let 

[the  king]  consider  all  the  districts  which  are  leagued 
in  hostility  against  me,  and  let  the  king  send  help  to 
his  country.  Behold,  the  country  of  the  city  of  Gezer, 
the  country  of  the  city  of  Ashkelon  and  the  city  of 
Lafchish]  have  given  to  them  ( ?  the  enemy)  food  and 
oil  and  whatsoever  the  fortress  needs.  And  let  the 
king  send  help  to  his  troops ;  let  him  despatch  troops 
against  the  men  who  have  rebelled  against  the  king 
my  lord.  If  troops  come  this  year,  there  will  remain 
both  provinces  [and]  governors  to  the  king  my  lord; 
[but]  if  no  troops  arrive,  there  will  remain  no  provinces 
or  governors  to  the  king  [my  lord].  Behold,  neither 
my  father  nor  my  mother  has  given  this  country  of 
the  city  of  Jerusalem  unto  me  :  it  was  the  arm  [of  the 
Mighty  King]  that  gave  it  to  me,  even  to  me.  Behold, 
Malchiel  and  the  sons  of  Labai  have  given  the  country 
of  the  king  to  the  Confederates.     Behold,  the  king 


my  lord  is  righteous  towards  me.  As  to  the  Kasians, 
let  the  king  ask  the  commissioner  how  very  strong  is 
the  house.  And  they  have  committed  a  very  great 
crime.  They  have  taken  their  stores  and  ceased  work- 
ing at  the  roofs.  .  .  .  Let  the  king  demand  of  them 
abundance  of  food,  abundance  of  oil,  and  abundance 
of  clothes  until  Pa-ur,  the  commissioner  of  the  king, 
comes  up  to  the  country  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem  to 
deliver  Adai  along  with  the  garrison  and  the  [rest  of 
the  people].  Let  the  king  know  that  Adai  the  officer 
appointed  by  the  king  has  said  to  me  :  Lo,  let  me  go 
away,  but  do  not  you  desert  the  city.  Send  to  me  a 
garrison  [and]  send  a  royal  commissioner.  Thy  grace 
[is]  to  send  [them].  To  the  king  [my  lord]  I  have 
despatched   [a  number  of]   prisoners  [and  a  number 

of]  slaves The  caravans  of  the  king  were 

robbed  in  the  fields  of  the  city  of  Ajalon.  I  am  not 
able  to  forward  the  caravans  to  the  king  my  lord 
according  to  his  instructions.  Behold,  the  king  has 
established  his  name  in  the  country  of  Jerusalem  for 
ever,  and  he  cannot  forsake  the  territories  of  the  city 
of  Jerusalem. — To  the  secretary  of  the  king  my  lord 
thus  speaks  Ebed-Kheba  thy  servant.  At  thy  feet 
I  prostrate  myself.  Thy  servant  am  I.  Lay  a  report 
of  my  words  before  the  king  my  lord.  The  vassal  of 
the  king  am  I.  Mayest  thou  live  long! — A  wicked 
deed  has  been  committed  against  me  by  the  men  of 
the  land  of  Kas.  I  was  within  an  ace  of  being  slain 
by  the  Kasians  in  my  own  house.  .  .  ." 

(IV.)  "To  the  king  my  lord  thus  [speaks]  Ebed- 
Kheba  thy  servant :  at  the  feet  of  my  lord  [the  king] 
seven  times  seven  [I  prostrate  myself].  Behold  Mal- 
chiel  does  not  separate  himself  from  the  sons  of 
Labaya    [and]    the    sons   of    Arzaya    to    demand    the 


country  of  the  king  for  themselves.  As  for  a  gover- 
nor who  acts  thus,  why  does  the  king  not  question 
him  ?  Behold,  Malchiel  and  Tagi  are  they  who  have 
acted  so,  since  they  have  taken  the  city  of  Rubute 
(Rabbah,  Josh.  xv.  60),  and  now  (they  seek  to  take) 
Jerusalem.  If  this  country  is  still  the  king's  country 
why  (is  this),  when  Gaza  is  a  garrison  of  the  king? 
Behold  the  district  of  Gath-Carmel  belongs  to  Tagi, 
and  the  men  of  Gath  garrison  Bit-Sani  (Beth-Sannah), 
and  we  shall  experience  (the  same  fate)  since  they 
have  given  Labaya  and  the  land  of  Shechem  to  the 
men  of  the  district  of  the  Confederates.  Malchiel  has 
sent  to  Tagi  and  has  given  two  boy-slaves,  all  they 
wanted,  to  the  men  of  Keilah.  But  we  will  deliver 
Jerusalem.  The  garrison  which  thou  hast  despatched 
under  the  command  of  Khaya  the  son  of  Meri-Ra, 
Addaya  has  taken,  and  he  is  dwelling  in  his  house 
in  Gaza,  and  has  sent  some  men  to  Egypt.  Let  the 
king  know  that  there  is  no  garrison  with  me.  This 
is  so,  as  the  king  liveth.  Pa-ur,  his  lieutenant,  has 
run  away  from  me;  he  is  in  Gaza.  Let  the  king  keep 
this  in  memory  before  him  and  send  50  guardsmen 
to  protect  the  land.  All  the  country  of  the  king  is  in 
revolt.  Send  Yikhen-Khamu  and  let  him  consider 
the  country  of  the  king.  To  the  secretary  of  the  king 
[my  lord]  thus  says  Ebed-Kheba  [thy]  servant : 
Convey  a  clear  report  to  the  king.  I  am  thy  ever 
obedient  servant." 

(V.)  "[To]  the  king  my  lord  thus  speaks  Ebed- 
Kheba  thy  servant :  at  the  feet  of  the  king  my  lord 
seven  times  seven  I  prostrate  myself.  [The  king 
knows  the  deed]  which  they  have  done,  even  Malchiel 
and  Su-ardatum,  against  the  country  of  the  king  my 
lord,  commanding  the  forces  of  the  city  of  Gezer,  the 


forces  of  the  city  of  Gath,  and  the  forces  of  the  city 
of  Keilah.  They  have  seized  the  district  of  the  city 
of  Rabbah.  The  country  of  the  king  has  gone  over 
to  the  Confederates.  And  now  at  this  moment  the 
city  of  the  mountain  of  Jerusalem,  the  city  of  the 
temple  of  the  god  Nin-ip  is  its  name,  the  city  of  the 
king,  is  gone  over  to  the  side  of  the  men  of  Keilah. 
Let  the  king  listen  to  Ebed-Kheba  thy  servant,  and 
let  him  despatch  troops  and  restore  the  country  of  the 
king  to  the  king.  But  if  no  troops  arrive,  the  country 
of  the  king  is  gone  over  to  the  men  even  to  the 
Confederates.  This  is  the  deed  [of  Su-ar]datum  and 
Malchiel.  .  .  ." 

The  loyalty  of  Ebed-Kheba,  however,  seems  to  have 
been  doubted  at  the  Egyptian  court,  where  more  con- 
fidence was  placed  in  his  rival  and  enemy  Su-ardata 
(or  Su-yardata,  as  the  owner  of  the  name  himself 
writes  it).  Possibly  the  claim  of  the  vassal-king  of 
Jerusalem  to  have  been  appointed  to  his  royal  office 
by  the  "Mighty  King"  rather  than  by  the  "great 
king  "  of  Egypt,  and  consequently  to  be  an  ally  of 
the  Pharaoh  and  not  an  ordinary  governor,  may  have 
had  something  to  do  with  the  suspicions  that  were 
entertained  of  him.  At  all  events  we  learn  from  a 
letter  of  Su-yardata  that  the  occupation  of  Keilah  by 
Ebed-Kheba's  enemies,  of  which  the  latter  complains 
so  bitterly,  was  due  to  the  orders  of  the  Egyptian 
government  itself.  Su-yardata  there  says — "The  king 
[my  lord]  directed  me  to  make  war  in  the  city  of 
Keilah  :  war  was  made ;  (and  now)  a  complaint  is 
brought  against  me.  My  city  against  myself  has 
risen  upon  me.  Ebed-Kheba  sends  to  the  men  of  the 
city  of  Keilah ;  he  sends  silver,  and  they  have  marched 
against  my  rear.     And  the  king  knows  that  Ebed- 


Kheba  has  taken  my  city  from  my  hand."  The  writer 
adds  that  "  Labaya  is  dead,  but  Ebed-Kheba  is  become 
a  second  Labaya."  In  his  subsequent  despatches  to 
the  home  government  Su-yardata  complains  that  he 
is  "alone,"  and  asks  that  troops  should  be  sent  to 
him,  saying  that  he  is  forwarding  some  almehs  or 
maidens  as  a  present  along  with  his  "dragoman." 
At  this  point  the  correspondence  breaks  off. 

Malchiel  and  Tagi  also  write  to  the  Pharaoh. 
According  to  Tagi  the  roads  between  Southern 
Palestine  and  Egypt  were  under  the  supervision  and 
protection  of  his  brother ;  while  Malchiel  begs  for 
cavalry  to  pursue  and  capture  the  enemy  who  had 
made  war  upon  Su-yardata  and  himself,  had  seized 
"the  country  of  the  king,"  and  threatened  to  slay 
his  servants.  He  also  complains  of  the  conduct  of 
Yankhamu,  the  High  Commissioner,  who  had  been 
ordered  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  the  governors 
in  Palestine.  Yankhamu,  it  seems,  had  seized  Mal- 
chiel's  property  and  carried  off  his  wives  and  children. 
It  was  doubtless  to  this  act  of  injustice  that  Labai 
alludes  in  his  letter  of  exculpation. 

The  territory  of  which  Jerusalem  was  the  capital 
extended  southward  as  far  as  Carmel  of  Judah,  Gath- 
Carmel  as  it  is  called  by  Ebed-Kheba,  as  well  as  in 
the  geographical  lists  of  Thothmes  III.,  while  on  the 
west  it  reached  to  Keilah,  Rabbah,  and  Mount  Seir. 
No  mention  is  made  of  Hebron  either  in  the  Tel 
el-Amarna  letters  or  in  the  Egyptian  geographical 
lists,  which  are  earlier  than  the  rise  of  the  nineteenth 
dynasty.  The  town  must  therefore  have  existed  under 
some  other  name,  or  have  been  in  the  hands  of  a 
power  hostile  to  Egypt. 

The  name  of  Hebron  has  the  same  origin  as  that 


of  the  Khabiri,  who  appear  in  Ebed-Kheba's  letters 
by  the  side  of  Labaya,  the  Kasians,  and  Naharaim 
as  the  assailants  of  Jerusalem  and  its  territory.  The 
word  means  "Confederates,"  and  occurs  in  the 
Assyrian  texts;  among  other  passages  in  a  hymn 
published  by  Dr.  B run  now,  where  we  read,  istu  pan 
khabiri-ya  iptarsanni,  "from  the  face  of  my  associates 
he  has  cut  me  off."  The  word,  however,  is  not 
Assyrian,  as  in  that  case  it  would  have  had  a  different 
form,  but  must  have  been  borrowed  from  the  Canaan- 
itish  language  of  the  west. 

Who  the  Khabiri  or  "Confederates"  were  has 
been  disputed.  Some  scholars  see  in  them  Elamite 
marauders  who  followed  the  march  of  the  Babylonian 
armies  to  Syria.  This  opinion  is  founded  on  the  fact 
that  the  Khabiri  are  once  mentioned  as  an  Elamite 
tribe,  and  that  in  a  Babylonian  document  a  "Khabi- 
rite  "  (Khabird)  is  referred  to  along  with  a  "Kassite" 
or  Babylonian.  Another  view  is  that  they  are  to  be 
identified  with  Heber,  the  grandson  of  Asher  (Gen. 
xlvi.  17),  since  Malchiel  is  said  to  be  the  brother  of 
Heber,  just  as  in  the  letters  of  Ebed-Kheba  Malchiel 
is  associated  with  the  Khabiri.  But  all  such  identifica- 
tions are  based  upon  the  supposition  that  "Khabiri" 
is  a  proper  name  rather  than  a  descriptive  title.  Any 
band  of  "Confederates"  could  be  called  Khabiri 
whether  in  Elam  or  in  Palestine,  and  it  does  not 
follow  that  the  two  bands  were  the  same.  In  the 
"  Confederates  "  of  Southern  Canaan  we  have  to  look 
for  a  body  of  confederated  tribes  who  made  them- 
selves formidable  to  the  governor  of  Jerusalem  in  the 
closing  days  of  the  Egyptian  empire. 

It  would  seem  that  Elimelech,  who  of  course  was 
a  different  person   from   Malchiel,    was  their   leader, 


and  as  Elimelech  is  a  Canaanitish  name,  we  may 
conclude  that  the  majority  of  his  followers  were  also 
of  Canaanitish  descent.  The  scene  of  their  hostilities 
was  to  the  south  of  Jerusalem.  Gath-Carmel,  Zelah, 
and  Lachish  are  the  towns  mentioned  in  connection 
with  their  attempts  to  capture  and  destroy  "the  fort- 
resses of  the  king."  "The  country  of  the  king  "  which 
had  "gone  over  to  the  Confederates  "  was  the  territory 
over  which  Ebed-Kheba  claimed  rule,  while  the  dis- 
trict occupied  by  Labaya  and  his  Hittite  followers 
was  handed  over  "to  the  men  of  the  district  of  the 
Confederates."  The  successes  of  the  latter  were 
gained  through  the  intrigues  of  Malchiel  and  the  sons 
of  Labaya. 

All  this  leads  us  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Hebron, 
and  suggests  the  question  whether  "the  district  of 
the  Confederates  "  was  not  that  of  whfch  Hebron, 
"the  Confederacy,"  was  the  central  meeting-place  and 
sanctuary.  Hebron  has  preserved  its  sacred  character 
down  to  the  present  day ;  it  long  disputed  with  Jeru- 
salem the  claim  of  being  the  oldest  and  most  hallowed 
shrine  in  Southern  Palestine,  and  it  was  for  many 
years  the  capital  of  Judah.  Moreover,  we  know  that 
"Hebron"  was  not  the  only  name  the  city  possessed. 
When  Abram  was  "confederate"  with  the  three 
Amorite  chieftains  it  was  known  as  Mamre  (Gen. 
xiii.  1 8),  and  at  a  later  day  under  the  rule  of  the 
three  sons  of  Anak  it  was  called  Kirjath-Arba. 

According  to  the  Biblical  narrative  Hebron  was  at 
once  Amorite,  Hittite,  and  Canaanite.  Here,  there- 
fore, there  was  a  confederation  of  tribes  and  races 
who  would  have  met  together  at  a  common  sanctuary. 
When  Ezekiel  says  that  Jerusalem  was  both  Hittite 
and   Amorite  in   its  parentage,   he  may  have  been 


referring  to  its  conquest  and  settlement  by  such  a 
confederacy  as  that  of  Hebron.  It  is  possible  that 
Jerusalem  was  eventually  captured  by  its  enemies,  and 
that  the  Jebusites  of  the  Old  Testament  were  the 
descendants  of  the  Khabiri  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
letters.'  In  this  case  some  of  the  "Confederates"  may 
have  been  Hittite  bands. 

But  all  this  is  speculation,  which  may  or  may  not 
prove  to  be  correct.  All  we  can  be  sure  of  is  that 
the  Khabiri  or  "Confederates"  had  their  seat  in  the 
southern  part  of  Palestine,  and  that  we  need  not  go 
outside  Canaan  to  discover  who  they  were.  Ebed- 
Kheba,  at  all  events,  carefully  distinguishes  them 
from  either  the  Babylonians  or  the  people  of 

In  his  letters,  as  everywhere  else  in  the  Tel 
el-Amarna  correspondence,  the  Babylonians  are  called 
Kassi  or  Kassites.  The  name  is  written  differently 
in  the  cuneiform  texts  from  that  of  the  Ethiopians, 
the  Kash  of  the  hieroglyphic  inscriptions.  Both, 
however,  are  alike  represented  in  Hebrew  by  Cush, 
and  hence  we  have  not  only  a  Cush  who  is  the  brother 
of  Mizraim,  but  also  another  Cush  who  is  the  father  of 
Ximrod.  The  name  of  the  latter  takes  us  back  to  the 
age  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets. 

Nahrima,  or  Xaharaim,  was  the  name  by  which 
the  kingdom  of  Mitanni  was  known  to  its  Canaanite 
and  Egyptian  neighbours.  Mitanni,  in  fact,  was  its 
capital,  and  it  may  be  that  Lutennu  (or  Lotan),  as 
the  Egyptians  called  Syria  and  Palestine,  was  but  a 
mispronunciation  of  it.  Along  with  the  Babylonians 
the  people  of  Xaharaim  had  made  themselves  formid- 
able to  the  inhabitants  of  Canaan,  and  their  name  was 
feared  as  far  south  as  Jerusalem.     Even  the  governor 


of  the  Canaanite  town  of  Musikhuna,  not  far  from  the 
Sea  of  Galilee,  bore  the  Mitannian  name  of  Sutarna. 
It  was  not,  indeed,  until  after  the  Israelitish  conquest 
that  the  last  invasion  of  Canaan  by  a  king  of  Aram- 
Naharaim  took  place. 

Gaza  and  Joppa  were  at  one  time  under  the  same 
governor,  Yabitiri,  who  in  a  letter  which  has  come 
down  to  us  asks  to  be  relieved  of  the  burden  of  his 
office.  Ashkelon,  however,  which  lay  between  the  two 
seaports,  was  in  the  hands  of  another  prefect,  Yidya 
by  name,  from  whom  we  have  several  letters,  in  one 
of  which  mention  is  made  of  the  Egyptian  commis- 
sioner Rianap,  or  Ra-nofer.  The  jurisdiction  of 
Rianap  extended  as  far  north  as  the  plain  of  Megiddo, 
since  he  is  also  referred  to  by  Pu-Hadad,  the  governor 
of  Yurza,  now  Yerzeh,  south-eastward  of  Taanach. 
But  it  was  more  particularly  in  the  extreme  south  of 
Palestine  that  the  duties  of  this  officer  lay.  Hadad- 
dan,  who  was  entrusted  with  the  government  of  Mana- 
hath  and  Tamar,  to  the  west  of  the  Dead  Sea,  calls 
him  "my  Commissioner"  in  a  letter  in  which  he 
complains  of  the  conduct  of  a  certain  Beya,  the  son 
of  "the  woman  Gulat."  Hadad-dan  begins  by  saying 
that  he  had  protected  the  commissioner  and  cities  of 
the  king,  and  then  adds  that  "the  city  of  Tumur  is 
hostile  to  me,  and  I  have  built  a  house  in  the  city 
of  Mankhate,  so  that  the  household  troops  of  the  king 
my  lord  may  be  sent  to  me ;  and  lo,  Baya  has  taken 
it  from  my  hand,  and  has  placed  his  commissioner  in 
it,  and  I  have  appealed  to  Rianap,  my  commissioner, 
and  he  has  restored  the  city  unto  me,  and  has  sent  the 
household  troops  of  the  king  my  lord  to  me."  After 
this  the  writer  goes  on  to  state  that  Beya  had  also 
intrigued  against  the  city  of  Gezer,  "the  handmaid  of 


the  king  my  lord  who  created  me."  The  rebel  then 
carried  off  a  quantity  of  plunder,  and  it  became  neces- 
sary to  ransom  his  prisoners  for  a  hundred  pieces  of 
silver,  while  those  of  his  confederate  were  ransomed 
for  thirty  pieces  of  silver. 

The  misdeeds  of  Beya  or  Baya  did  not  end  here. 
We  hear  of  him  again  as  attacking  and  capturing  a 
body  of  soldiers  who  had  been  sent  to  defend  the 
royal  palace  at  Joppa,  and  as  occupying  that  city 
itself.  He  was,  however,  subsequently  expelled  from 
it  by  the  king's  orders.  Beya,  too,  professed  to  be 
an  Egyptian  governor  and  a  faithful  servant  of  the 
Pharaoh,  to  whom  he  despatched  a  letter  to  say  that 
Yankhamu,  the  High  Commissioner,  was  not  in  his 
district.  Probably  this  was  in  answer  to  a  charge 
brought  against  him  by  the  Egyptian  officer. 

The  official  duties  of  Yankhamu  extended  over  the 
whole  of  Palestine,  and  all  the  governors  of  its  cities 
were  accountable  to  him.  We  find  him  exercising 
his  authority  not  only  in  the  south,  but  also  in  the 
north,  at  Zemar  and  Gebal,  and  even  among  the 
Amorites.  Amon-apt,  to  whom  the  superintendence 
of  Phoenicia  was  more  particularly  entrusted,  was 
supplied  by  him  with  corn,  and  frequent  references  are 
made  to  him  in  the  letters  of  Rib-Hadad.  Malchiel 
complained  of  his  high-handed  proceedings,  and  the 
complaint  seems  to  have  led  to  some  confidential 
inquiries  on  the  part  of  the  home  government,  since 
we  find  a  certain  Sibti-Hadad  writing  in  answer  to 
the  Pharaoh's  questions  that  Yankhamu  was  a  faithful 
servant  of  the  king. 

The  country  east  of  the  Jordan  also  appears  to  have 
been  within  his  jurisdiction.  At  all  events  the  follow- 
ing letter  was  addressed  to  him  by  the  governor  Mut- 
1  2 


Hadad,  "the  man  of  Hadad."  "To  Yankhamu  my 
lord  thus  speaks  Mut-Hadad  thy  servant :  at  the  feet 
of  my  lord  I  prostrate  myself.  Since  Mut-Hadad  has 
declared  in  thy  presence  that  Ayab  has  fled,  and  it 
is  certified  (?)  that  the  king  of  Bethel  has  fled  from 
before  the  officers  of  the  king  his  lord,  may  the  king 
my  lord  live,  may  the  king  my  lord  live  !  I  pray 
thee  ask  Ben-enima,  ask  Tadua,  ask  Yasuya,  if  Ayab 
has  been  in  this  city  of  Bethel  for  [the  last]  two 
months.  Ever  since  the  arrival  ( ?)  of  Sulma-Mero- 
dach,  the  city  of  Astarti  (Ashtaroth-Karnaim)  has  been 
assisted,  because  all  the  fortresses  of  the  foreign  land 
are  hostile,  namely,  the  cities  of  Udumu  (Edom), 
Aduri  (Addar),  Araru,  Mestu  (Mosheh),  Magdalim 
(Migdol),  Khinianabi  ('En  han-nabi),  Zarki ;  taken 
are  Khaini  ('En)  and  Ibilimma  (Abel).  Again  after 
thou  hadst  sent  a  letter  to  me  I  sent  to  him  (i.  e.  Ayab), 
[to  wait]  until  thy  arrival  from  thy  journey ;  and  he 
reached  the  city  of  Bethel  and  [there]  they  heard  the 

We  learn  from  this  letter  that  Edom  was  a  "foreign 
country "  unsubdued  by  the  Egyptian  arms.  The 
"city  of  Edom,"  from  which  the  country  took  its  name, 
is  again  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Assyrian 
king  Esar-haddon,  and  it  was  there  that  the  Assyrian 
tax-gatherers  collected  the  tribute  of  the  Edomite 
nation.  It  would  seem  that  the  land  of  Edom 
stretched  further  to  the  north  in  the  age  of  Khu-n- 
Aten  than  it  did  at  a  subsequent  period  of  history, 
and  that  it  encroached  upon  what  was  afterwards  the 
territory  of  Moab.  The  name  of  the  latter  country 
is  met  with  for  the  first  time  among  the  Asiatic 
conquests  of  Ramses  II.  engraved  on  the  base  of 
one  of  the  colossal  figures  which  stand  in  front  of 


the  northern  pylon  of  the  temple  of  Luxor;  when 
the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  were  written  Moab  was 
included  in  the  Canaanite  province  of  Egypt. 

A  curious  letter  to  Khu-n-Aten  from  Burna-buryas, 
the  Babylonian  king,  throws  a  good  deal  of  light 
on  the  nature  of  the  Egyptian  government  in  Canaan. 
Between  the  predecessors  of  the  two  monarchs  there 
had  been  alliance  and  friendly  intercourse,  and  never- 
theless the  Canaanitish  subjects  of  the  Pharaoh  had 
committed  an  outrageous  crime  against  some  Baby- 
lonian merchants,  which  if  left  unpunished  would 
have  led  to  a  rupture  between  the  two  countries.  The 
merchants  in  question  had  entered  Palestine  under 
the  escort  of  the  Canaanite  Ahitub,  intending  after- 
wards to  visit  Egypt.  At  fin-athon,  near  Acre,  how- 
ever, "in  the  country  of  Canaan,"  Sum-Adda,  or 
Shem-Hadad,  the  son  of  Balumme  (Balaam),  and 
Sutatna,  or  Zid-athon,  the  son  of  Saratum,1  who  was 
governor  of  Acre,  set  upon  them,  killing  some  of 
them,  maltreating  others,  and  carrying  away  their 
goods.  Burna-buryas  therefore  sent  a  special  envoy, 
who  was  instructed  to  lay  the  following  complaint 
before  the  Pharaoh  :  "Canaan  is  thy  country  and  the 
king  [of  Acre  is  thy  servant].  In  thy  country  I  have 
been  injured ;  do  thou  punish  [the  offenders].  The 
silver  which  they  carried  off  was  a  present  [for  thee], 
and  the  men  who  are  my  servants  they  have  slain. 
Slay  them  and  requite  the  blood  [of  my  servants]. 
But  if  thou  dost  not  put  these  men  to  death,  [the 
inhabitants]  of  the  high-road  that  belongs  to  me  will 
turn  and  verily  will  slay  thy  ambassadors,  and  a 
breach  will  be  made  in  the  agreement  to  respect  the 

1  His  name  is  written  Zurata  in  the  letter  of  Biridi,  the  governor 
of  Megiddo  ;  see  above,  p.  117. 


persons  of  ambassadors,  and  I  shall  be  estranged 
from  thee.  Shem-Hadad,  having  cut  off  the  feet  of 
one  of  my  men,  has  detained  him  with  him ;  and  as 
for  another  man,  Sutatna  of  Acre  made  him  stand 
upon  his  head  and  then  stood  upon  his  face." 

There  are  three  letters  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  col- 
lection from  Sutatna,  or  Zid-atna  ("the  god  Zid  has 
given  ")  as  he  writes  his  name,  in  one  of  which  he 
compares  Akku  or  Acre  with  "the  city  of  Migdol  in 
Egypt."  Doubtless  satisfaction  was  given  to  the 
Babylonian  king  for  the  wrong  that  had  been  done 
to  his  subjects,  though  whether  the  actual  culprits 
were  punished  may  be  questioned.  There  is  another 
letter  from  Burna-buryas,  in  which  reference  is  again 
made  to  the  Canaanites.  He  there  asserts  that  in 
the  time  of  his  father,  Kuri-galzu,  they  had  sent  to 
the  Babylonian  sovereign,  saying:  "Let  us  go  down 
to  the  frontier  and  rebel."  Kuri-galzu,  however,  had 
refused  to  listen  to  them,  telling  them  that  if  they 
wanted  to  break  away  from  the  Egyptian  king  and  ally 
themselves  "with  another,"  they  must  find  some  one 
else  to  assist  them.  Burna-buryas  goes  on  to  declare 
that  he  was  like-minded  with  his  father,  and  had 
accordingly  despatched  an  Assyrian  vassal  to  assure 
the  Pharaoh  that  he  would  carry  on  no  intrigues  with 
disaffected  Canaanites.  As  the  first  part  of  his  letter 
is  filled  with  requests  for  gold  for  the  adornment  of  a 
temple  he  was  building  at  Babylon,  such  an  assurance 
was  very  necessary.  The  despatches  of  Rib-Hadad 
and  Ebed-Kheba,  however,  go  to  show  that  in  spite 
of  his  professions  of  friendship,  the  Babylonian 
monarch  was  ready  to  afford  secret  help  to  the  insur- 
gents in  Palestine.  The  Babylonians  were  not  likely 
to  forget  that  they  had  once  been   masters  of  the 


country,  or  to  regard  the  Egyptian  empire  in  Asia 
with  other  than  jealous  eyes. 

The  Tel  el-Amarna  correspondence  breaks  off 
suddenly  in  the  midst  of  a  falling  empire,  with  its 
governors  in  Canaan  fighting  and  intriguing  one 
against  the  other,  and  appealing  to  the  Pharaoh  for 
help  that  never  came.  The  Egyptian  commissioners 
are  vainly  endeavouring  to  restore  peace  and  order, 
like  General  Gordon  in  the  Soudan,  while  Baby- 
lonians and  Mitannians,  Hittites  and  Beduin  are 
assailing  the  distracted  province.  The  Asiatic  empire 
of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  however,  did  not  wholly 
perish  with  the  death  of  Khu-n-Aten.  A  picture  in 
the  tomb  of  prince  Hui  at  Thebes  shows  that  under 
the  reign  of  his  successor,  Tut-ankh-Amon,  the 
Egyptian  supremacy  was  still  acknowledged  in  some 
parts  of  Syria.  The  chiefs  of  the  Lotan  or  Syrians 
are  represented  in  their  robes  of  many  colours,  some 
with  white  and  others  with  brown  skins,  and  coming 
before  the  Egyptian  monarch  with  the  rich  tribute  of 
their  country.  Golden  trays  full  of  precious  stones, 
vases  of  gold  and  silver,  the  covers  of  which  are  in 
the  form  of  the  heads  of  gazelles  and  other  animals, 
golden  rings  richly  enamelled,  horses,  lions,  and  a 
leopard's  skin — such  are  the  gifts  which  they  offer  to 
the  Pharaoh.  It  was  the  last  embassy  of  the  kind 
which  was  destined  to  come  from  Syria  for  many  a 

With  the  rise  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty  and  the 
restoration  of  a  strong  government  at  home,  the 
Egyptians  once  more  began  to  turn  their  eyes  towards 
Palestine.  Seti  I.  drove  the  Beduin  before  him  from 
the  frontiers  of  Egypt  to  those  of  "Canaan,"  and 
established  a  line  of  fortresses  and  wells  along  "the 


way  of  the  Philistines,"  which  ran  by  the  shore  of 
the  Mediterranean  to  Gaza.  The  road  was  now  open 
for  him  to  the  north  along  the  sea-coast.  We  hear 
accordingly  of  his  capture  of  Acre,  Tyre,  and  Usu 
or  Palaetyros,  from  whence  he  marched  into  the 
Lebanon  and  took  Kumidi  and  Inu'am.  One  of  his 
campaigns  must  have  led  him  into  the  interior  of 
Palestine,  since  in  his  list  of  conquered  cities  we  find 
the  names  of  Carmel  and  Beth-anoth,  of  Beth-el  and 
Pahil  or  Pella,  as  well  as  of  Oamham  or  Chimham  (see 
Jer.  xli.  17).  Kadesh,  "in  the  land  of  the  Amorites," 
was  captured  by  a  sudden  assault,  and  Seti  claims  to 
have  defeated  or  received  the  submission  of  Alasiya 
and  Naharaim,  the  Hittites  and  the  Assyrians,  Cyprus 
and  Sangar.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  north  of 
Kadesh  he  really  made  his  way  only  along  the  coast 
as  far  as  the  Gulf  of  Antioch  and  Cilicia,  overrunning 
towns  and  districts  of  which  we  know  little  more  than 
the  names. 

Seti  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Ramses  II.,  the 
Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression  and  the  builder  of  Pithom 
and  Ramses.  His  long  reign  of  sixty-seven  years 
lasted  from  1348  B.C.  to  1281  B.C.  The  first  twenty- 
one  years  of  it  were  occupied  in  the  re-conquest  of 
Palestine,  and  sanguinary  wars  with  the  Hittites.  But 
these  mountaineers  of  the  north  had  established  them- 
selves too  firmly  in  the  old  Egyptian  province  of 
Northern  Syria  to  be  dislodged.  All  the  Pharaoh 
could  effect  was  to  stop  their  further  progress  towards 
the  south  and  to  save  Canaan  from  their  grasp.  The 
war  between  the  two  great  powers  of  Western  Asia 
ended  at  last  through  the  sheer  exhaustion  of  the  rival 
combatants.  A  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and 
defensive,   was  drawn   up  between   Ramses   II.   and 


Khatu-sil,  "the  great  king  of  the  Hittites,"  and  it 
was  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  the  Pharaoh  to  the 
daughter  of  the  Hittite  prince.  Syria  was  divided 
between  the  Hittites  and  Egyptians,  and  it  was  agreed 
that  neither  should  under  any  pretext  invade  the 
territories  of  the  other.  It  was  also  agreed  that  if 
either  country  was  attacked  by  foreign  foes  or 
rebellious  subjects,  the  other  should  come  to  its  help. 
Political  refugees,  moreover,  were  to  be  delivered  up 
to  the  sovereign  from  whom  they  had  escaped,  but 
it  was  stipulated  that  in  this  case  they  should  receive 
a  full  pardon  for  the  offences  they  had  committed. 
The  Hittite  copy  of  the  treaty  was  engraved  on  a 
silver  plate,  and  the  gods  of  Egypt  and  the  Hittites 
were  called  upon  to  witness  the  execution  of  it. 

The  legendary  exploits  of  Sesostris,  that  creation 
of  Greek  fancy  and  ignorance,  were  fastened  upon 
Ramses  II.,  whose  long  reign,  inordinate  vanity,  and 
ceaseless  activity  as  a  builder  made  him  one  of  the 
most  prominent  of  the  old  Pharaohs.  It  was  natural, 
therefore,  at  the  beginning  of  hieroglyphic  decipher- 
ment that  the  Greek  accounts  should  be  accepted  in 
full,  and  that  Ramses  II.  should  have  been  regarded 
as  the  greatest  of  Egyptian  conquerors.  But  further 
study  soon  showed  that,  in  this  respect  at  least,  his 
reputation  had  little  to  support  it.  Like  his  monu- 
ments, too  many  of  which  are  really  stolen  from  his 
predecessors,  or  else  sacrifice  honesty  of  work  to  haste 
and  pretentiousness,  a  large  part  of  the  conquests  and 
victories  that  have  been  claimed  for  him  was  due  to 
the  imagination  of  the  scribes.  In  the  reaction  which 
followed  on  this  discovery,  the  modern  historians  of 
ancient  Egypt  were  disposed  to  dispute  his  claim  to 
be  a  conqueror  at  all.     But  we  now  know  that  such  a 


scepticism  was  exaggerated,  and  though  Ramses  II. 
was  not  a  conqueror  like  Thothmes  III.,  he  never- 
theless maintained  and  extended  the  Asiatic  empire 
which  his  father  had  recovered,  and  the  lists  of  van- 
quished cities  which  he  engraved  on  the  walls  of  his 
temples  were  not  mere  repetitions  of  older  catalogues, 
or  the  empty  fictions  of  flattering  chroniclers.  Egyptian 
armies  really  marched  once  more  into  Northern  Syria 
and  the  confines  of  Cilicia,  and  probably  made  their 
way  to  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates.  We  have  no 
reason  for  denying  that  Assyrian  troops  may  have 
been  defeated  by  his  arms,  or  that  the  king  of  Mitanni 
may  have  sent  an  embassy  to  his  court.  And  we  now 
have  a  good  deal  more  than  the  indirect  evidence  of 
the  treaty  with  the  Hittites  to  show  that  Canaan  was 
again  a  province  of  the  Egyptian  empire.  The  names 
of  some  of  its  cities  which  were  captured  in  the  early 
part  of  the  Pharaoh's  reign  may  still  be  read  on  the 
walls  of  the  Ramesseum  at  Thebes.  Among  them  are 
Ashkelon,  Shalam  or  Jerusalem,  Merom  and  Beth- 
Anath,  which  were  taken  by  storm  in  his  eighth 
year.  Dapul,  "in  the  land  of  the  Amorites,"  was 
captured  at  the  same  time,  proving  that  the  Egyptian 
forces  penetrated  as  far  as  the  Hittite  frontiers.  At 
Luxor  other  Canaanite  names  figure  in  the  catalogue 
of  vanquished  states.  Thus  we  have  Carmel  of  Judah, 
Ir-shemesh  and  Hadashah  (Josh.  xv.  37),  Gaza,  Sela 
and  Jacob-el,  Socho,  Yurza,  and  Korkha  in  Moab. 
The  name  of  Moab  itself  appears  for  the  first  time 
among  the  subject  nations,  while  we  gather  from  a 
list  of  mining  settlements  that  Cyprus  as  well  as  the 
Sinaitic  peninsula  was  under  Egyptian  authority. 

A    sarcastic    account    of    the    misadventures    of    a 
military  officer  in   Palestine,   which  was  written   jn 


the  time  of  Ramses,  is  an  evidence  of  the  complete 
occupation  of  that  country  by  the  Egyptians.  All 
parts  of  Canaan  are  alluded  to  in  it,  and  as  Dr.  Max 
Miiller  has  lately  pointed  out,  we  find  in  it  for  the 
first  time  the  names  of  Shechem  and  Kirjath-Sepher. 
Similar  testimony  is  borne  by  a  hieroglyphic  inscrip- 
tion recently  discovered  by  Dr.  Schumacher  on  the 
so-called  "Stone  of  Job  "  in  the  Hauran.  The  stone 
(Sakhrat  'Ayyub)  is  a  monolith  westward  of  the  Sea 
of  Galilee,  and  not  far  from  Tel  'Ashtereh,  the  ancient 
Ashtaroth-Karnaim,  which  was  a  seat  of  Egyptian 
government  in  the  time  of  Khu-n-Aten.  The  monolith 
is  adorned  with  Egyptian  sculptures  and  hieroglyphs. 
One  of  the  sculptures  represents  a  Pharaoh  above 
whose  likeness  is  the  cartouche  of  Ramses  II.,  while 
opposite  the  king,  to  the  left,  is  the  figure  of  a  god 
who  wears  the  crown  of  Osiris,  but  has  a  full  face. 
Over  the  god  is  his  name  in  hieroglyphics.  The 
name,  however,  is  not  Egyptian,  but  seems  to  be 
intended  for  the  Canaanite  Yakin-Zephon  or  "Yakin 
of  the  North."  It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  we  have 
here  a  monument  testifying  to  the  rule  of  Ramses  II., 
but  a  monument  which  was  erected  by  natives  of 
the  country  to  a  native  divinity.  For  a  while  the 
hieroglyphic  writing  of  Egypt  had  taken  the  place 
formerly  occupied  by  the  cuneiform  syllabary  of 
Babylonia,  and  Egyptian  culture  had  succeeded  in 
supplanting  that  which  had  come  from  the  East. 

The  nineteenth  dynasty  ended  even  more  dis- 
astrously than  the  eighteenth.  It  is  true  that  the 
great  confederacy  of  northern  and  Libyan  tribes 
which  attacked  Egypt  by  sea  and  land  in  the  reign 
of  Meneptah,  the  son  and  successor  of  Ramses  II., 
was   successfully    repulsed,    but    the   energy    of    the 


Egyptian  power  seemed  to  exhaust  itself  in  the  effort. 
The  throne  fell  into  the  hands  of  usurpers,  and  the 
house  of  Ramses  was  swept  away  by  civil  war  and 
anarchy.  The  government  was  seized  by  a  Syrian, 
Arisu  by  name,  and  for  a  time  Egypt  was  compelled 
to  submit  to  a  foreign  yoke.  The  overthrow  of  the 
foreigner  and  the  restoration  of  the  native  monarchy 
was  due  to  the  valour  of  Set-nekht,  the  founder  of  the 
twentieth  dynasty  and  the  father  of  Ramses  III. 

It  was  under  one  of  the  immediate  successors  of 
Ramses  II.  that  the  exodus  of  the  Israelites  out  of 
Egypt  must  have  taken  place.  Egyptian  tradition 
pointed  to  Meneptah ;  modern  scholars  are  inclined 
to  be  of  the  same  opinion.  With  this  event  the 
patriarchal  history  of  Canaan  ought  properly  to  come 
to  an  end.  But  the  Egyptian  monuments  still  cast 
light  upon  it,  and  enable  us  to  carry  it  on  almost  to 
the  moment  when  Joshua  and  his  followers  entered 
the  Promised  Land. 

Palestine  still  formed  part  of  the  kingdom  of 
Meneptah,  at  all  events  in  the  earlier  years  of  his 
reign.  A  scribe  has  left  us  a  record  of  the  officials 
who  passed  to  and  from  Canaan  through  the  frontier 
fortress  of  Zaru  during  the  middle  of  the  month 
Pakhons  in  the  third  year  of  the  king.  One  of  these 
was  Loy  or  Levi,  the  son  of  Zippor  of  Gaza,  who 
carried  a  letter  for  the  Egyptian  captain  of  the  Syrian 
or  Egyptian  infantry,  as  well  as  another  for  Baalat- 
romgu,  the  vassal-prince  of  Tyre.  Another  messenger 
was  Sutekh-mes,  the  son  of  'Aper-dagal,  who  also 
carried  a  despatch  to  the  captain  of  the  infantry,  while 
a  third  envoy  came  in  the  reverse  direction,  from  the 
city  of  Meneptah,  "in  the  land  of  the  Amorites." 

In  the  troubles  which  preceded  the  accession  of  the 


twentieth  dynasty  the  Asiatic  possessions  of  Egypt 
were  naturally  lost,  and  were  never  again  recovered. 
Ramses  III.,  however,  the  last  of  the  conquering 
Pharaohs,  made  at  least  one  campaign  in  Palestine 
and  Syria.  Like  Meneptah,  he  had  to  bear  the  brunt 
of  an  attack  upon  Egypt  by  the  confederated  hordes 
of  the  north  which  threatened  to  extinguish  its  civiliza- 
tion altogether.  The  nations  of  Asia  Minor  and  the 
Aigean  Sea  had  poured  into  Syria  as  the  Northern 
barbarians  in  later  days  poured  into  the  provinces  of 
the  Roman  Empire.  Partly  by  land,  partly  by  sea, 
they  made  their  way  through  Phoenicia  and  the  land 
of  the  Hittites,  destroying  everything  as  they  went, 
and  carrying  in  their  train  the  subjugated  princes  of 
Xaharaim  and  Kadesh.  For  a  time  they  encamped 
in  the  "land  of  the  Amorites,"  and  then  pursued  their 
southward  march.  Ramses  III.  met  them  on  the 
north-eastern  frontier  of  his  kingdom,  and  in  a  fiercely 
contested  battle  utterly  overthrew  them.  The  ships 
of  the  invaders  were  captured  or  sunk,  and  their  forces 
on  land  were  decimated.  Immense  quantities  of  booty 
and  prisoners  were  taken,  and  the  shattered  forces  of 
the  enemy  retreated  into  Syria.  There  the  Philistines 
and  Zakkal  possessed  themselves  of  the  sea-coast,  and 
garrisoned  the  cities  of  the  extreme  south.  Gaza 
ceased  to  be  an  Egyptian  fortress,  and  became  instead 
an  effectual  barrier  to  the  Egyptian  occupation  of 

When  Ramses  III.  followed  the  retreating  invaders 
of  his  country  into  Syria,  it  is  doubtful  whether  the 
Philistines  had  as  yet  settled  themselves  in  their  future 
home.  At  all  events  Gaza  fell  into  his  hands,  and  he 
found  no  difficulty  in  marching  along  the  Mediter- 
ranean coast  like  the  conquering  Pharaohs  who  had 


preceded  him.  In  his  temple  palace  at  Medinet  Habu 
he  has  left  a  record  of  the  conquests  that  he  made  in 
Syria.  The  great  cities  of  the  coast  were  untouched. 
No  attempt  was  made  to  besiege  or  capture  Tyre  and 
Sidon,  Beyrout  and  Gebal,  and  the  Egyptian  army 
marched  past  them,  encamping  on  the  way  only  at 
such  places  as  "the  headland  of  Carmel,"  "the  source 
of  the  Magoras,"  or  river  of  Beyrout,  and  the  Bor 
or  "Cistern."  Otherwise  its  resting-places  were  at 
unknown  villages  like  Inzath  and  Lui-el.  North  of 
Beyrout  it  struck  eastward  through  the  gorge  of  the 
Nahr  el-Kelb,  and  took  the  city  of  Kumidi.  Then  it 
made  its  way  by  Shenir  or  Hermon  to  Hamath,  which 
surrendered,  and  from  thence  still  northward  to  "the 
plain  "  of  Aleppo. 

In  the  south  of  Palestine,  in  what  was  afterwards 
the  territory  of  Judah,  Ramses  made  yet  another  cam- 
paign. Here  he  claims  to  have  taken  Lebanoth  and 
Beth-Anath,  Carmel  of  Judah  and  Shebtin,  Jacob-el 
and  Hebron,  Libnah  and  Aphek,  Migdal-gad  and 
Ir-Shemesh,  Hadashah  and  the  district  of  Salem  or 
Jerusalem.  From  thence  the  Egyptian  forces  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Lake  of  Reshpon  or  the  Dead  Sea, 
and  then  crossing  the  Jordan  seized  Korkha  in  Moab. 
But  the  campaign  was  little  more  than  a  raid;  it 
left  no  permanent  results  behind  it,  and  all  traces  of 
Egyptian  authority  disappeared  with  the  departure  of 
the  Pharaoh's  army.  Canaan  remained  the  prey  of  the 
first  resolute  invader  who  had  strength  and  courage 
at  his  back. 



Abraham  had  been  born  in  "Ur  of  the  Chaldees." 
Ur  lay  on  the  western  side  of  the  Euphrates  in 
Southern  Babylonia,  where  the  mounds  of  Muqayyar 
or  Mugheir  mark  the  site  of  the  great  temple  that 
had  been  reared  to  the  worship  of  the  Moon-god 
long  before  the  days  of  the  Hebrew  patriarch.  Here 
Abraham  had  married,  and  from  hence  he  had  gone 
forth  with  his  father  to  seek  a  new  home  in  the 
west.  Their  first  resting-place  had  been  Harran  in 
Mesopotamia,  on  the  high-road  to  Syria  and  the 
Mediterranean.  The  name  of  Harran,  in  fact,  signi- 
fied "road  "  in  the  old  language  of  Chaldaea,  and  for 
many  ages  the  armies  and  merchants  of  Babylonia 
had  halted  there  when  making  their  way  towards 
the  Mediterranean.  Like  Ur,  it  was  dedicated  to  the 
worship  of  Sin,  the  Moon-god,  and  its  temple  rivalled 
in  fame  and  antiquity  that  of  the  Babylonian  city, 
and  had  probably  been  founded  by  a  Babylonian 

At  Harran,  therefore,  Abraham  would  still  have 
been  within  the  limits  of  Babylonian  influence  and 
culture,  if  not  of  Babylonian  government  as  well. 
He  would  have  found  there  the  same  religion  as  that 
which  he  had  left  behind  him  in  his  native  city;  the 
same  deity  was  adored  there,  under  the  same  name 


and  with  the  same  rites.  He  was  indeed  on  the 
road  to  Canaan,  and  among  an  Aramaean  rather  than 
a  Babylonian  population,  but  Babylonia  with  its 
beliefs  and  civilization  had  not  as  yet  been  forsaken. 
Even  the  language  of  Babylonia  was  known  in  his 
new  home,  as  is  indicated  by  the  name  of  the  city 

Harran  and  Mesopotamia  were  not  the  goal  of 
the  future  father  of  the  Israelitish  people.  He  was 
bidden  to  seek  elsewhere  another  country  and  another 
kindred.  Canaan  was  the  land  which  God  promised 
to  "show"  to  him,  and  it  was  in  Canaan  that  his 
descendants  were  to  become  "a  great  nation."  He 
went  forth,  accordingly,  "to  go  into  the  land  of 
Canaan,  and  into  the  land  of  Canaan  he  came." 

But  even  in  Canaan  Abraham  was  not  beyond  the 
reach  of  Babylonian  influence.  As  we  have  seen  in 
the  last  chapter,  Babylonian  armies  had  already  pene- 
trated to  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  Palestine 
had  been  included  within  the  bounds  of  a  Babylonian 
empire,  and  Babylonian  culture  and  religion  had 
spread  widely  among  the  Canaanitish  tribes.  The 
cuneiform  system  of  writing  had  made  its  way  to 
Syria,  and  Babylonian  literature  had  followed  in  its 
wake.  Centuries  had  already  passed  since  Sargon  of 
Akkad  had  made  himself  master  of  the  Mediterranean 
coast  and  his  son  Naram-Sin  had  led  his  forces  to  the 
Peninsula  of  Sinai.  Istar  of  Babylonia  had  become 
Ashtoreth  of  the  Canaanites,  and  Babylonian  trade 
had  long  moved  briskly  along  the  very  road  that 
Abraham  traversed.  In  the  days  of  the  patriarch 
himself  the  rulers  of  Babylonia  claimed  to  be  also 
rulers  of  Canaan ;  for  thirteen  years  did  the  Canaanite 
princes   "serve"    Chedor-laomer  and    his   allies,   the 


father  of  Arioch  is  also  "the  father  of  the  land  of 
the  Amorites  "  in  his  son's  inscriptions,  and  at  a 
little  later  date  the  King  of  Babylon  still  claimed 
sovereignty  over  the  west. 

It  was  not,  therefore,  to  a  strange  and  unexplored 
country  that  Abraham  had  migrated.  The  laws  and 
manners  to  which  he  had  been  accustomed,  the  writing 
and  literature  which  he  had  learned  in  the  schools 
of  Ur,  the  religious  beliefs  among  which  he  had  lived 
in  Chaldsea  and  Harran,  he  found  again  in  Canaan. 
The  land  of  his  adoption  was  full  of  Babylonian 
traders,  soldiers,  and  probably  officials  as  well,  and 
from  time  to  time  he  must  have  heard  around  him 
the  language  of  his  birthplace.  The  introduction 
into  the  west  of  the  Babylonian  literature  and  script 
brought  with  it  a  knowledge  of  the  Babylonian 
language,  and  the  knowledge  is  reflected  in  some  of 
the  local  names  of  Palestine.  The  patriarch  had  not 
escaped  beyond  the  control  even  of  the  Babylonian 
government.  At  times,  at  all  events,  the  princes  of 
Canaan  were  compelled  to  acknowledge  the  suzerainty 
of  Chaldaea  and  obey  the  laws,  as  the  Babylonians 
would  have  said,  of  "Anu  and  Dagon." 

The  fact  needs  dwelling  upon,  partly  because  of 
its  importance,  partly  because  it  is  but  recently  that 
we  have  begun  to  realize  it.  It  might  indeed  have 
been  gathered  from  the  narratives  of  Genesis,  more 
especially  from  the  account  of  Chedor-laomer's  cam- 
paign, but  it  ran  counter  to  the  preconceived  ideas 
of  the  modern  historian,  and  never  therefore  took 
definite  shape  in  his  mind.  It  is  one  of  the  many 
gains  that  the  decipherment  of  the  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions has  brought  to  the  student  of  the  Old  Testament, 
and  it  makes  us  understand  the  story  of  Abraham's 


migration  in  a  way  that  was  never  possible  before. 
He  was  no  wild  nomad  wandering  in  unknown 
regions,  among  a  people  of  alien  habits  and  foreign 
civilization.  We  know  now  why  he  took  the  road 
which  we  are  told  he  followed;  wily  he  was  able  to 
make  allies  among  the  inhabitants  of  Canaan ;  why 
he  understood  their  language  and  could  take  part  in 
their  social  life.  Like  the  Englishman  who  migrates 
to  a  British  colony,  Abraham  was  in  contact  with  the 
same  culture  in  Canaan  and  Chaldasa  alike. 

But  when  he  reached  Canaan  he  was  not  yet 
Abraham.  He  was  still  "Abram  the  Hebrew,"  and 
it  was  as  "Abram  the  Hebrew  "  that  he  made  alliance 
with  the  Amorites  of  Mamre  and  overthrew  the  retreat- 
ing forces  of  the  Babylonian  kings.  Abram  is  a  name 
of  the  Amorites,  settled  in  Babylonia,  and  is  found  in 
contracts  of  the  age  of  Chedor-laomer.  When  the 
name  was  changed  to  Abraham,  it  was  a  sign  that 
the  Babylonian  emigrant  had  become  a  native  of  the 

It  was  under  the  terebinth  of  Moreh  before  Shechem 
that  Abraham  first  pitched  his  tent  and  erected  his 
first  altar  to  the  Lord.  Above  him  towered  Ebal  and 
Gerizim,  where  the  curses  and  blessings  of  the  Law 
were  afterwards  to  be  pronounced.  From  thence  he 
moved  southward  to  one  of  the  hills  westward  of 
Beth-el,  the  modern  Beitin,  and  there  his  second  altar 
was  built.  While  the  first  had  been  reared  in  the 
plain,  the  second  was  raised  on  the  mountain-slope. 

But  here,  too,  he  did  not  remain  long.  Again  he 
"journeyed,  going  on  still  towards  the  south."  Then 
came  a  famine  which  obliged  him  to  cross  the  frontier 
of  Egypt,  and  visit  the  court  of  the  Pharaoh.  The 
Hyksos,  kinsmen  of  the  race  to  which  he  belonged, 


were  ruling  in  the  delta,  and  a  ready  welcome  was 
given  to  the  Asiatic  stranger.  He  was  "very  rich  in 
cattle,  in  silver  and  in  gold,"  and,  like  a  wealthy  Arab 
sheikh  to-day,  was  received  with  due  honour  in  the 
Egyptian  capital.  The  court  of  the  Pharaoh  was 
doubtless  at  Zoan. 

Among  the  possessions  of  the  patriarch  we  are  told 
were  camels.  The  camel  is  not  included  among  the 
Egyptian  hieroglyphs,  nor  has  it  been  found  depicted 
on  the  walls  of  the  Egyptian  temples  and  tombs. 
The  name  is  first  met  with  in  a  papyrus  of  the  time 
of  the  nineteenth  dynasty,  and  is  one  of  the  many 
words  which  the  Egyptians  of  that  age  borrowed  from 
their  Canaanitish  neighbours.  The  animal,  in  fact, 
was  not  used  by  the  Egyptians,  and  its  domestication 
in  the  valley  of  the  Nile  seems  to  be  as  recent  as  the 
Arab  conquest.  But  though  it  was  not  used  by  the 
Egyptians,  it  had  been  a  beast  of  burden  among 
the  Semites  of  Arabia  from  an  early  period.  In  the 
primitive  Sumerian  language  of  Chaldaea  it  was  called 
""the  animal  from  the  Persian  Gulf,"  and  its  Semitic 
name,  from  which  our  own  word  camel  is  derived, 
goes  back  to  the  very  beginnings  of  Semitic  history. 
We  cannot,  therefore,  imagine  a  Semitic  nomad 
arriving  in  Egypt  without  the  camel;  travellers, 
indeed,  from  the  cities  of  Canaan  might  do  so,  but 
not  those  who  led  a  purely  nomadic  life.  And,  in 
fact,  though  we  look  in  vain  for  a  picture  of  the 
camel  among  the  sculptures  and  paintings  of  Egypt, 
the  bones  of  the  animal  have  been  discovered  deep 
in  the  alluvial  soil  of  the  valley  of  the  Nile. 

Abraham  had  to  quit  Egypt,  and  once  more  he 
traversed  the  desert  of  the  "South"  and  pitched  his 
tent  near  Beth-el.    Here  his  nephew  Lot  left  him,  and, 
k  2 


dissatisfied  with  the  life  of  a  wandering  Bedawi,  took 
up  his  abode  in  the  city  of  Sodom  at  the  northern 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  While  Abraham  kept  himself 
separate  from  the  natives  of  Canaan,  Lot  thus  became 
one  of  them,  and  narrowly  escaped  the  doom  which 
afterwards  fell  upon  the  cities  of  the  plain.  In  for- 
saking the  tent,  he  forsook  not  only  the  free  life  of  the 
immigrant  from  Chalda;a,  but  the  God  of  Abraham  as 
well.  The  inhabitant  of  a  Canaanitish  city  passed 
under  the  influence  of  its  faith  and  worship,  its  morals 
and  manners,  as  well  as  its  laws  and  government. 
He  ceased  to  be  an  alien  and  stranger,  of  a  different 
race  and  fatherland,  and  with  a  religion  and  customs 
of  his  own.  He  could  intermarry  with  the  natives  of 
his  adopted  country  and  participate  in  their  sacred 
rites.  Little  by  little  his  family  became  merged  in 
the  population  that  surrounded  him ;  its  gods  became 
their  gods,  its  morality — or,  it  may  be,  its  immorality 
— became  theirs  also.  Lot,  indeed,  had  eventually  to 
fly  from  Sodom,  leaving  behind  him  all  his  wealth ; 
but  the  mischief  had  already  been  done,  and  his 
children  had  become  Canaanites  in  thought  and  deed. 
The  nations  which  sprang  from  hirn,  though  separate 
in  race  from  the  older  people  of  Canaan,  were  yet 
like  them  in  other  respects.  They  formed  no  "peculiar 
people,"  to  whom  the  Lord  might  reveal  Himself 
through  the  law  and  the  prophets. 

It  was  not  until  Lot  had  separated  himself  from 
Abraham  that  the  land  of  Canaan  was  promised  to 
the  descendants  of  the  patriarch.  "Lift  up  now  thine 
eyes,"  God  said  to  him,  "and  look  from  the  place 
where  thou  art,  northward  and  southward,  and  east- 
ward and  westward  :  for  all  the  land  which  thou  seest, 
to  thee  will  I  give  it,  and  to  thy  seed  for  ever."    Once 


more,  therefore,  Abraham  departed  southward  from 
Shechem ;  not  this  time  to  go  into  the  land  of  Egypt, 
but  to  dwell  beside  the  terebinth-oak  of  Mamre  hard 
by  Hebron,  where  the  founder  of  the  Davidic 
monarchy  was  hereafter  to  be  crowned  king.  It  is 
probable  that  the  sanctuary  which  in  days  to  come 
was  to  make  Hebron  famous  had  not  as  yet  been 
established  there;  at  all  events  the  name  of  Hebron, 
"the  confederacy,"  was  not  as  yet  known,  and  the  city 
was  called  Kirjath-Arba.  Whether  it  was  also  called 
Mamre  is  doubtful ;  Mamre  would  rather  seem  to  have 
been  the  name  of  the  plateau  which  stretched  beyond 
the  valley  of  Hebron  and  was  occupied  by  the  Amorite 
confederates  of  the  Hebrew  patriarch. 

It  was  while  he  "dwelt  under  the  terebinth  of 
Mamre  the  Amorite  "  that  the  campaign  of  Chedor- 
laomer  and  his  Babylonian  allies  took  place,  and  that 
Lot  was  carried  away  among  the  Canaanitish  cap- 
tives. But  the  triumph  of  the  conquerors  was  short- 
lived. "Abram  the  Hebrew"  pursued  them  with  his 
armed  followers,  three  hundred  and  eighteen  in 
number,  as  well  as  with  his  Amorite  allies,  and  sud- 
denly falling  upon  their  rear-guard  near  Damascus 
by  night,  rescued  the  captives  and  the  spoil.  There 
was  rejoicing  in  the  Canaanitish  cities  when  the 
patriarch  returned  with  his  booty.  The  new  king  of 
Sodom  met  him  in  the  valley  of  Shaven,  "the  king's 
dale  "  of  later  times,  just  outside  the  walls  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  the  king  of  Jerusalem  himself,  Melchi- 
zedek,  "the  priest  of  the  most  High  God,"  welcomed 
the  return  of  the  victor  with  bread  and  wine.  Then 
it  was  that  Abram  restored  the  spoil  he  had  captured 
from  the  foe,  while  Melchizedek  blessed  him  in  the 
name  of  "the  most  High  God." 


Outside  the  pages  of  the  Old  Testament  the  special 
form  assumed  by  the  blessing  has  been  found  only 
in  the  Aramaic  inscriptions  of  Egypt.  Here,  too,  we 
find  travellers  from  Palestine  writing  of  themselves 
"Blessed  be  Augah  of  Isis,"  or  "Blessed  be  Abed- 
Nebo  of  Khnum  "  !  It  would  seem,  therefore,  to  have 
been  a  formula  peculiar  to  Canaan ;  at  all  events,  it 
has  not  been  traced  to  other  parts  of  the  Semitic 
world.  The  temple  of  the  Most  High  God— El  Elyon 
— probably  stood  on  Mount  Moriah  where  the  temple 
of  the  God  of  Israel  was  afterwards  to  be  erected.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  among  the  letters  sent  by 
Ebed-Kheba,  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  to  the  Egyptian 
Pharaoh  is  one  in  which  he  speaks  of  "the  city  of 
the  Mountain  of  Jerusalem,  whose  name  is  the  city  of 
the  temple  of  the  god  Nin-ip."  In  this  "Mountain 
of  Jerusalem"  it  is  difficult  not  to  see  the  "temple- 
mount  "  of  later  days. 

In  the  cuneiform  texts  of  Ebed-Kheba  and  the 
later  Assyrian  kings  the  name  of  Jerusalem  is  written 
Uru-Salim,  "the  city  of  Salim."  Salim,  "Salvation," 
is  almost  certainly  the  native  name  of  the  god  who 
was  identified  with  the  Babylonian  Nin-ip,  and  per- 
haps Isaiah — that  student  of  the  older  history  of  his 
country — is  alluding  to  the  fact  when  he  declares  that 
one  of  the  titles  of  the  Messiah  shall  be  "the  Prince 
of  Peace."  At  any  rate,  if  the  Most  High  God  of 
Jerusalem  were  really  Salim,  the  God  of  Salvation, 
we  should  have  an  explanation  of  the  blessing  pro- 
nounced by  Melchizedek  upon  the  patriarch.  Abram's 
victory  had  brought  salvation  to  Canaan ;  he  had 
recovered  the  captives,  and  had  himself  returned  in 
peace.  It  was  fitting,  therefore,  that  he  should  be 
welcomed  by  the  priest  of  the  God  of  Salvation,  and 


that   tithes   should  be  offered   of   the   booty   he   had 
recovered  to  the  god  of  "the  City  of  Salim." 

This  offering  of  tithes  was  no  new  thing.  In  his 
Babylonian  home  Abraham  must  have  been  familiar 
with  the  practice.  The  cuneiform  inscriptions  of 
Babylonia  contain  frequent  references  to  it.  It  went 
back  to  the  pre-Semitic  age  of  Chaldaea,  and  the  great 
temples  of  Babylonia  were  largely  supported  by  the 
esrd  or  tithe  which  was  levied  upon  prince  and  peasant 
alike.  That  the  god  should  receive  a  tenth  of  the 
good  things  which,  it  was  believed,  he  had  bestowed 
upon  mankind,  was  not  considered  to  be  asking  too 
much.  There  are  many  tablets  in  the  British  Museum 
which  are  receipts  for  the  payment  of  the  tithe  to  the 
great  temple  of  the  Sun-god  at  Sippara  in  the  time 
of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  his  successors.  From  one  of 
them  we  learn  that  Belshazzar,  even  at  the  very 
moment  when  the  Babylonian  empire  was  falling 
from  his  father's  hands,  nevertheless  found  an  oppor- 
tunity for  paying  the  tithe  due  from  his  sister;  while 
others  show  us  that  Cyrus  and  Cambyses  did  not 
regard  their  foreign  origin  as  affording  any  pretext 
for  refusing  to  pay  tithe  to  the  gods  of  the  kingdom 
they  had  overthrown. 

The  Babylonian  army  had  been  defeated  near 
Damascus,  and  immediately  after  this  we  are  told 
that  the  steward  of  Abraham's  house  was  "Eli-ezer 
of  Damascus."  Whether  there  is  any  connection 
between  the  two  facts  we  cannot  say ;  but  it  may 
be  that  Eli-ezer  had  attached  himself  to  the  Hebrew 
conqueror  when  he  was  returning  "from  the  slaughter 
of  Chedor-laomer."  The  name  of  Eli-ezer,  "God  is 
a  help,"  is  characteristic  of  Damascus.  More  often 
in  place  of  El,  "God,"  we  have  Hadad,  the  supreme 



deity  of  Syria;  but  just  as  among  the  Israelites 
Eli-akim  and  Jeho-iakim  are  equivalent,  so  among  the 
Aramaeans  of  Syria  were  Eli-ezer  and  Hadad-ezer. 
Hadad-ezer,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the  king  of 
Zobah  who  was  overthrown  by  David. 

Sarai,  the  wife  of  Abraham,  was  still  childless,  but 
the  patriarch  had  a  son  by  his  Egyptian  handmaid, 
the  ancestor  of  the  Ishmaelite  tribes  who  spread  from 
the  frontier  of  Egypt  to  Mecca,  in  Central  Arabia. 
It  was  when  Ishmael  was  thirteen  years  of  age  that 
the  covenant  was  made  between  God  and  Abraham 
which  was  sealed  with  the  institution  of  circumcision. 
Circumcision  had  been  practised  in  Egypt  from  the 
earliest  days  of  its  history ;  henceforth  it  also  distin- 
guished all  those  who  claimed  Abraham  as  their  fore- 
father. With  circumcision  Abraham  .  received  the 
name  by  which  he  was  henceforth  to  be  known ;  he 
ceased  to  be  Abram,  the  Hebrew  from  Babylonia, 
and  became  Abraham  the  father  of  Ishmael  and  Israel. 
The  new  rite  and  the  new  name  were  alike  the  seal 
and  token  of  the  covenant  established  between  the 
patriarch  and  his  God;  God  promised  that  his  seed 
should  multiply,  and  that  the  land  of  Canaan  should 
be  given  as  an  everlasting  possession,  while  Abraham 
and  his  offspring  were  called  upon  to  keep  God's 
covenant  for  ever. 

It  could  not  have  been  long  after  this  that  the 
cities  of  the  plain  were  destroyed  "with  brimstone 
and  fire  from  the  Lord  out  of  heaven."  The  expres- 
sion is  found  in  the  cuneiform  tablets  of  Babylonia. 
Old  Sumerian  hymns  spoke  of  a  "rain  of  stones  and 
fire,"  though  the  stones  may  have  been  hailstones 
and  thunderbolts,  and  the  fire  the  flash  of  the  light- 
ning.   But  whatever  may  have  been  the  nature  of  the 


sheet  of  flame  which  enveloped  the  guilty  cities  of  the 
plain  and  set  on  fire  the  naphtha-springs  that  oozed 
out  of  it,  the  remembrance  of  the  catastrophe  survived 
to  distant  ages.  The  prophets  of  Israel  and  Judah 
still  refer  to  the  overthrow  of  Sodom  and  its  sister 
cities,  and  St.  Jude  points  to  them  as  "suffering  the 
vengeance  of  eternal  fire."  Some  scholars  have  seen 
an  allusion  to  their  overthrow  in  the  tradition  of  the 
Phoenicians  which  brought  their  ancestors  into  the 
coastlands  of  Canaan  in  consequence  of  an  earth- 
quake on  the  shores  of  "the  Assyrian  Lake."  But 
the  lake  is  more  probably  to  be  looked  for  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Persian  Gulf  than  in  the  valley 
of  the  Jordan. 

The  vale  of  Siddim,  and  "the  cities  of  the  plain," 
stood  at  the  northern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  Here 
were  the  "slime-pits"  from  which  the  naphtha  was 
extracted,  and  which  caused  the  defeat  of  the  Canaan- 
itish  princes  by  the  Babylonian  army.  The  legend 
which  placed  the  pillar  of  salt  into  which  Lot's  wife 
was  changed  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  Dead 
Sea  was  of  late  origin,  probably  not  earlier  than  the 
days  when  Herod  built  his  fortress  of  Machasrus  on 
the  impregnable  cliffs  of  Moab,  and  the  name  of  Gebel 
Usdum,  given  by  the  modern  Arabs  to  one  of  the 
mountain-summits  to  the  south  of  the  sea  proves 
nothing  as  to  the  site  of  the  city  of  Sodom.  Names 
in  the  east  are  readily  transferred  from  one  locality 
to  another,  and  a  mountain  is  not  the  same  as  a  city 
in  a  plain. 

There  are  two  sufficient  reasons  why  it  is  to  the 
north  rather  than  to  the  south  that  we  must  look  for 
the  remains  of  the  doomed  cities,  among  the  numerous 
tumuli  which  rise  above  the  rich  and  fertile  plain  in 


the  neighbourhood  of  Jericho,  where  the  ancient 
"slime-pits"  can  still  be  traced.  Geology  has  taught 
us  that  throughout  the  historical  period  the  Dead  Sea 
and  the  country  immediately  to  the  south  of  it  have 
undergone  no  change.  What  the  lake  is  to-day,  it 
must  have  been  in  the  days  of  Abraham.  It  has 
neither  grown  nor  shrunk  in  size,  and  the  barren  salt 
with  which  it  poisons  the  ground  must  have  equally 
poisoned  it  then.  No  fertile  valley,  like  the  vale  of 
Siddim,  could  have  existed  in  the  south ;  no  prosper- 
ous Canaanitish  cities  could  have  grown  up  among  the 
desolate  tracts  of  the  southern  wilderness.  As  we  are 
expressly  told  in  the  Book  of  Numbers  (xiii.  29),  the 
Canaanites  dwelt  only  "by  the  coast  of  Jordan,"  not 
in  the  desert  far  beyond  the  reach  of  the  fertilizing 

But  there  is  another  reason  which  excludes  the 
southern  site.  "When  Abraham  got  up  early  in  the 
morning,"  we  are  told,  "he  looked  towards  Sodom  and 
Gomorrah,  and  toward  all  the  land  of  the  plain,  and 
beheld,  and,  lo,  the  smoke  of  the  country  went  up  as 
the  smoke  of  a  furnace."  Such  a  sight  was  possible 
from  the  hills  of  Hebron ;  if  the  country  lay  at  the 
northern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  it  would  have  been 
impossible  had  it  been  south  of  it. 

Moreover,  the  northern  situation  of  the  cities  alone 
agrees  with  the  geography  of  Genesis.  When  the 
Babylonian  invaders  had  turned  northwards  after 
smiting  the  Amalekites  of  the  desert  south  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  they  did  not  fall  in  with  the  forces  of  the 
king  of  Sodom  and  his  allies  until  they  had  first 
passed  "the  Amorites  that  dwelt  in  Hazezon-tamar." 
Hazezon-tamar,  as  we  learn  from  the  Second  Book  of 
Chronicles  (xx.  2),  was  the  later  En-gedi,  "the  Spring 


of  the  Kid,"  and  En-gedi  lay  on  the  western  shore  of 
the  Dead  Sea  midway  between  its  northern  and  south- 
ern extremities. 

In  the  warm,  soft  valley  of  the  Jordan,  accordingly, 
where  a  sub-tropical  vegetation  springs  luxuriantly 
out  of  the  fertile  ground  and  the  river  plunges  into 
the  Dead  Sea  as  into  a  tomb,  the  nations  of  Ammon 
and  Moab  were  born.  It  was  a  fitting  spot,  in  close 
proximity  as  it  was  to  the  countries  which  thereafter 
bore  their  names.  From  the  mountain  above  Zoar, 
Lot  could  look  across  to  the  blue  hills  of  Moab  and 
the  distant  plateau  of  Ammon. 

Meanwhile  Abraham  had  quitted  Mam  re  and  again 
turned  his  steps  towards  the  south.  This  time  it  was 
at  Gerar,  between  the  sanctuary  of  Kadesh-barnea  and 
Shur  the  "wall  "  of  Egypt  that  he  sojourned.  Kadesh 
has  been  found  again  in  our  own  days  by  the  united 
efforts  of  Dr.  John  Rowlands  and  Dr.  Clay  Trumbull 
in  the  shelter  of  a  block  of  mountains  which  rise  to 
the  south  of  the  desert  of  Beer-sheba.  The  spring  of 
clear  and  abundant  water  which  gushes  forth  in  their 
midst  was  the  En-Mishpat — "the  spring  where  judg- 
ments were  pronounced  " — of  early  times,  and  is  still 
called  'Ain-Qadis,  "the  spring  of  Kadesh."  Gerar 
is  the  modern  Umm  el-Jerar,  now  desolate  and  barren, 
all  that  remains  of  its  past  being  a  lofty  mound  of 
rubbish  and  a  mass  of  potsherds.  It  lies  a  few  hours 
only  to  the  south  of  Gaza. 

Here  Isaac  was  born  and  circumcised,  and  here 
Ishmael  and  Hagar  were  cast  forth  into  the  wilderness 
and  went  to  dwell  in  the  desert  of  Paran.  The  terri- 
tory of  Gerar  extended  to  Beer-sheba,  "the  well  of  the 
oath,"  where  Abraham's  servants  digged  a  well,  and 
Abimelech,  king  of  Gerar,  confirmed  his  possession  of 


it  by  an  oath.  It  may  be  that  one  of  the  two  wells 
which  still  exist  at  Wadi  es-Seba',  with  the  stones 
that  line  their  mouths  deeply  indented  by  the  ropes 
of  the  water-drawers,  is  the  very  one  around  which 
the  herdsmen  of  Abraham  and  Abimelech  wrangled 
with  each  other.  The  wells  of  the  desert  go  back  to 
a  great  antiquity  :  where  water  is  scarce  its  discovery 
is  not  easily  forgotten,  and  the  Beduin  come  with  their 
flocks  year  after  year  to  drink  of  it.  The  old  wells  are 
constantly  renewed,  or  new  ones  dug  by  their  side. 

Gerar  was  in  that  south-western  corner  of  Palestine 
which  in  the  age  of  the  Exodus  was  inhabited  by  the 
Philistines.  But  they  had  been  new-comers.  All 
through  the  period  of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth 
Egyptian  dynasties  the  country  had  been  in  the  hands 
of  the  Egyptians.  Gaza  had  been  their  frontier  fort- 
ress, and  as  late  as  the  reign  of  Meneptah,  the  son 
of  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression,  it  was  still  gar- 
risoned by  Egyptian  troops  and  governed  by  Egyptian 
officers.  The  Pulsata  or  Philistines  did  not  arrive  till 
the  troublous  days  of  Ramses  III.,  of  the  twentieth 
dynasty.  They  formed  part  of  the  barbarian  hordes 
from  the  shores  of  Asia  Minor  and  the  islands  of  the 
^Egean,  who  swarmed  over  Syria  and  flung  them- 
selves on  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  and  the  land  of 
Caphtor  from  which  they  came  was  probably  the  island 
of  Krete.  The  Philistine  occupation  of  the  coast- 
land  of  Canaan  therefore  did  not  long  precede  the 
Israelitish  invasion  of  the  Promised  Land ;  indeed  we 
may  perhaps  gather  from  the  words  of  Exodus  (xiii. 
17)  that  the  Philistines  were  already  winning  for  them- 
selves their  new  territory  when  the  Israelites  marched 
out  of  Egypt.  In  saying,  consequently,  that  the  king- 
dom of  Abimelech  was  in  the  land  of  the  Philistines 


the  Book  of  Genesis  speaks  proleptically  :  when  the 
story  of  Abraham  and  Abimelech  was  written  in  its 
present  form  Gerar  was  a  Philistine  town  :  in  the  days 
of  the  Patriarchs  this  was  not  yet  the  case. 

At  Beer-sheba  Abraham  planted  a  tamarisk,  and 
"called  on  the  name  of  the  Lord,  the  everlasting  God." 
Beer-sheba  long  remained  one  of  the  sacred  places  of 
Palestine.  The  tree  planted  by  its  well  was  a  sign 
both  of  the  water  that  flowed  beneath  its  soil  and  of 
its  sacred  character.  It  was  only  where  fresh  water 
was  found  that  the  nomads  of  the  desert  could  come 
together,  and  the  tree  was  a  token  of  the  life  and 
refreshment  they  would  meet  with.  The  well  was 
sacred ;  so  also  was  the  solitary  tree  which  stood  beside 
it,  and  under  whose  branches  man  and  beast  could  find 
shade  and  protection  from  the  mid-day  heat.  Even 
Mohammedanism,  that  Puritanism  of  the  East,  has 
not  been  able  to  eradicate  the  belief  in  the  divine 
nature  of  such  trees  from  the  mind  of  the  nomad;  we 
may  still  see  them  decorated  with  offerings  of  rags 
torn  from  the  garments  of  the  passer-by  or  shading 
the  tomb  of  some  reputed  saint.  They  are  still  more 
than  waymarks  or  resting-places  for  the  heated  and 
weary ;  when  standing  beneath  them  the  herdsman 
feels  that  he  is  walking  upon  consecrated  ground. 

It  was  at  Beer-sheba  that  the  temptation  came  to 
Abraham  to  sacrifice  his  first-born,  his  only  son  Isaac. 
The  temptation  was  in  accordance  with  the  fierce  ritual 
of  Syria,  and  traces  of  the  belief  which  had  called  it 
into  existence  are  to  be  found  in  the  early  literature 
of  Babylonia.  Thus  in  an  ancient  Babylonian  ritual- 
text  we  read  :  "  The  scapegoat  who  raises  his  head 
among  mankind,  the  scapegoat  for  his  life  he  gave; 
the  head  of  the  scapegoat  for  the  head  of  the  man  he 


gave;  the  neck  of  the  scapegoat  for  the  neck  of  the 
man  he  gave."  Phoenician  legend  told  how  the  god 
El  had  robed  himself  in  royal  purple  and  sacrificed 
his  only  son  Yeud  in  a  time  of  pestilence,  and  the 
writers  of  Greece  and  Rome  describe  with  horror  the 
sacrifices  of  the  first-born  with  which  the  history  of 
Carthage  was  stained.  The  father  was  called  upon 
in  time  of  trouble  to  yield  up  to  the  god  his  nearest 
and  dearest ;  the  fruit  of  his  body  could  alone  wipe 
away  the  sin  of  his  soul,  and  Baal  required  him  to 
sacrifice  without  a  murmur  or  a  tear  his  first-born  and 
his  only  one.  The  more  precious  the  offering,  the 
more  acceptable  was  it  to  the  god;  the  harder  the 
struggle  to  resign  it,  the  greater  was  the  merit  of 
doing  so.  The  child  died  for  the  sins  of  his  people; 
and  the  belief  was  but  the  blind  and  ignorant  expres- 
sion of  a  true  instinct. 

But  Abraham  was  to  be  taught  a  better  way.  For 
three  days  he  journeyed  northward  with  his  son,  and 
then  lifting  up  his  eyes  saw  afar  off  that  mountain  "in 
the  land  of  Moriah,"  on  the  summit  of  which  the  sacri- 
fice was  to  be  consummated.  Alone  with  Isaac  he 
ascended  to  the  high-place,  and  there  building  his 
altar  and  binding  to  it  his  son  he  prepared  to  perform 
the  terrible  rite.  But  at  the  last  moment  his  hand  was 
stayed,  a  new  and  better  revelation  was  made  to  him, 
and  a  ram  was  substituted  for  his  son.  It  cannot  be 
accidental  that,  as  M.  Clermont-Ganneau  has  pointed 
out,  we  learn  from  the  temple-tariffs  of  Carthage  and 
Marseilles  that  in  the  later  ritual  of  Phoenicia  a  ram 
took  the  place  of  the  earlier  human  sacrifice. 

Where  was  this  mountain  in  the  land  of  Moriah 
whereon  the  altar  of  Abraham  was  built?  It  would 
seem  from  a  passage  in  the  Second  Book  of  Chronicles 


(iii.  1)  that  it  was  the  future  temple-mount  at  Jeru- 
salem. The  words  of  Genesis  also  point  in  the  same 
direction.  Abraham,  we  read,  "called  the  name  of  that 
place  Jehovah-jireh  :  as  it  is  said  to  this  day,  In  the 
mount  of  the  Lord  it  shall  be  seen."  It  is  hard  to 
believe  that  "the  mount  of  the  Lord"  can  mean  any- 
thing else  than  that  har-el  or  "mountain  of  God" 
whereon  Ezekiel  places  the  temple,  or  that  the  proverb 
can  refer  to  a  less  holy  spot  than  that  where  the  Lord 
appeared  enthroned  upon  the  cherubim  above  the 
mercy-seat.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  the 
reading  of  the  Hebrew  text  in  either  passage  is  correct. 
According  to  the  Septuagint  the  proverb  quoted  in 
Genesis  should  run:  "In  the  mountain  is  the  Lord 
seen,"  and  the  same  authority  changes  the  "Moriah  " 
of  the  Book  of  Chronicles  into  Amoreia,  "of  the 

It  is  true  that  the  distance  of  Jerusalem  from  Beer- 
sheba  would  agree  well  with  the  three  days'  journey 
of  Abraham.  But  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  scene  of  Abraham's  sacrifice  with  the  future 
temple^mount.  Where  Isaac  was  bound  to  the  altar 
was  a  solitary  spot,  the  patriarch  and  his  son  were 
alone  there,  and  it  was  overgrown  with  brushwood  so 
thickly  that  a  ram  had  been  caught  in  it  by  h'is  horns. 
The  temple-mount,  on  the  contrary,  was  either  within 
the  walls  of  a  city  or  just  outside  them,  and  the  city 
was  already  a  capital  famous  for  its  worship  of  "the 
most  High  God."  Had  the  Moriah  of  Jerusalem 
really  been  the  site  of  Abraham's  altar  it  is  strange 
that  no  allusion  is  made  to  the  fact  by  the  writers  of 
the  Old  Testament,  or  that  tradition  should  have  been 
silent  on  the  matter.  We  must  be  content  with  the 
knowledge  that  it  was  to  one  of  the  mountains  "in  the 


land  of  Moriah "  that  Abraham  was  led,  and  that 
"Moriah  "  was  a  "land,"  not  a  single  mountain-peak.1 

Abraham  returned  to  Beer-sheba,  and  from  thence 
went  to  Hebron,  where  Sarah  died.  Hebron — or 
Kirjath-Arba  as  it  was  then  called — was  occupied  by 
a  Hittite  tribe,  in  contradistinction  to  the  country 
round  about  it,  which  was  in  the  possession  of  the 
Amorites.  As  at  Jerusalem,  or  at  Kadesh  on  the 
Orontes,  the  Hittites  had  intruded  into  Amoritish 
territory  and  established  themselves  in  the  fortress- 
town.  But  while  the  Hittite  city  was  known  as 
Kirjath-Arba,  "the  city  of  Arba,"  the  Amoritish  dis- 
trict was  named  Mamre  :  the  union  of  Kirjath-Arba 
and  Mamre  created  the  Hebron  of  a  later  day. 

Kirjath-Arba  seems  to  have  been  built  in  the  valley, 
close  to  the  pools  which  still  provide  water  for  its 
modern  inhabitants.  On  the  eastern  side  the  slope  of 
the  hill  is  honeycombed  with  tombs  cut  in  the  rock, 
and,  if  ancient  tradition  is  to  be  believed,  it  was  in 
one  of  these  that  Abraham  desired  to  lay  the  body  of 
his  wife.  The  "double  cave"  of  Machpelah — for  so 
the  Septuagint  renders  the  phrase — was  in  the  field 
of  Ephron  the  Hittite,  and  from  Ephron,  accordingly, 
the  Hebrew  patriarch  purchased  the  land  for  400 
shekels  of  silver,  or  about  £47.  The  cave,  we  are 
told,  lay  opposite  Mamre,  which  goes  to  show  that 
the  oak  under  which  Abraham  once  pitched  his  tent 
may  not  have  been  very  far  distant  from  that  still 
pointed  out  as  the  oak  of  Mamre  in  the  grounds  of 
the  Russian  hospice.    The  traditional  tomb  of  Mach- 

1  We  should  not  forget  that  the  Septuagint  reads  "the  high- 
lands," that  is,  Moreh  instead  of  Moriah^  while  the  Syriac  version 
boldly  changes  the  word  into  the  name  of  the  "  Amorites."  For 
arguments  on  the  other  side,  see  p.  68. 


pelah  has  been  venerated  alike  by  Jew,  Christian,  and 
Mohammedan.  The  church  built  over  it  in  Byzantine 
days  and  restored  by  the  Crusaders  to  Christian 
worship  has  been  transformed  into  a  mosque,  but  its 
sanctity  has  remained  unchanged.  It  stands  in  the 
middle  of  a  court,  enclosed  by  a  solid  wall  of  massive 
stones,  the  lower  courses  of  which  were  cut  and  laid 
in  their  places  in  the  age  of  Herod.  The  fanatical 
Moslem  is  unwilling  that  any  but  himself  should  enter 
the  sacred  precincts,  but  by  climbing  the  cliff  behind 
the  town  it  is  possible  to  look  down  upon  the  mosque 
and  its  sacred  enclosure,  and  see  the  whole  building 
spread  out  like  a  map  below  the  feet. 

More  than  one  English  traveller  has  been  permitted 
to  enter  the  mosque,  and  we  are  now  well  acquainted 
with  the  details  of  its  architecture.  But  the  rock-cut 
tomb  in  which  the  bodies  of  the  Patriarchs  are  sup- 
posed to  have  lain  has  never  been  examined  by  the 
explorer.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  were  he  to 
penetrate  into  it  he  would  find  nothing  to  reward  his 
pains.  During  the  long  period  that  Hebron  was  in 
Christian  hands  the  cave  was  more  than  once  visited 
by  the  pilgrim.  But  we  look  in  vain  in  the  records 
which  have  come  down  to  us  for  an  account  of  the 
relics  it  has  been  supposed  to  contain.  Had  the 
mummified  corpses  of  the  Patriarchs  been  preserved 
in  it,  the  fact  would  have  been  known  to  the  travellers 
of  the  Crusading  age.1 

Like  the  other  tombs  in  its  neighbourhood,  the  cave 
of  Machpelah  has  doubtless  been  opened  and  despoiled 
at  an  early  epoch.  We  know  that  tombs  were  violated 
in  Egypt  long  before  the  days  of  Abraham,  in  spite 
of  the  penalties  with  which  such  acts  of  sacrilege  were 
1  See  the  Zeitschrift  des  deutschen  Paldstina-Vereins,  1895. 



visited,  and  the  cupidity  of  the  Canaanite  was  no  less 
great  than  that  of  the  Egyptian.  The  treasures  buried 
with  the  dead  were  too  potent  an  attraction,  and  the 
robber  of  the  tomb  braved  for  their  sake  the  terrors 
of  both  this  world  and  the  next. 

Abraham  now  sent  his  servant  to  Mesopotamia,  to 
seek  there  for  a  wife  for  his  son  Isaac  from  among  his 
kinsfolk  of  Harran.  Rebekah,  the  sister  of  Laban, 
accordingly,  was  brought  to  Canaan  and  wedded  to 
her  cousin.  Isaac  was  at  the  time  in  the  southern 
desert,  encamped  at  the  well  of  Lahairoi,  near  Kadesh. 
So  "Isaac  was  comforted  after  his  mother's  death." 

"Then  again,"  we  are  told,  "Abraham  took  a  wife," 
whose  name  was  Keturah,  and  by  whom  he  was  the 
forefather  of  a  number  of  Arabian  tribes.  They  occu- 
pied the  northern  and  central  parts  of  the  Arabian 
peninsular,  by  the  side  of  the  Ishmaelites,  and  colon- 
ized the  land  of  Midian.  It  is  the  last  we  hear  of  the 
great  patriarch.  He  died  soon  afterwards  "in  a  good 
old  age,"  and  was  buried  at  Machpelah  along  with  his 

Isaac  still  dwell  at  Lahai-roi,  and  there  the  twins, 
Esau  and  Jacob,  were  born  to  him.  There,  too,  he 
still  was  when  a  famine  fell  upon  the  land,  like  "the 
first  famine  that  was  in  the  days  of  Abraham."  The 
story  of  Abraham's  dealings  with  Abimelech  of  Gerar 
is  repeated  in  the  case  of  Isaac.  Again  we  hear  of 
Phichol,  the  captain  of  Abimelech's  army;  again  the 
wife  of  the  patriarch  is  described  as  his  sister;  and 
again  his  herdsmen  strive  with  those  of  the  king  of 
Gerar  over  the  wells  they  have  dug,  and  the  well  of 
Beer-sheba  is  made  to  derive  its  name  from  the  oaths 
sworn  mutually  by  Isaac  and  the  king.  It  is  hardly 
conceivable  that  history  could  have  so  closely  repeated 


itself,  that  the  lives  of  the  king  and  commander-in- 
chief  of  Gerar  could  have  extended  over  so  many 
years,  or  that  the  origin  of  the  name  of  Beer-sheba 
would  have  been  so  quickly  forgotten.  Rather  we 
must  believe  that  two  narratives  have  been  mingled 
together,  and  that  the  earlier  visit  of  Abraham  to 
Gerar  has  coloured  the  story  of  Isaac's  sojourn  in  the 
territory  of  Abimelech.  We  need  not  refuse  to  believe 
that  the  servants  of  Isaac  dug  wells  and  wrangled  over 
them  with  the  native  herdsmen ;  that  Beer-sheba 
should  twice  have  received  its  name  from  a  repetition 
of  the  same  event  is  a  different  matter.  One  of  the 
wells — that  of  Rehoboth — made  by  Isaac's  servants  is 
probably  referred  to  in  the  Egyptian  Travels  of  a 
Mohar,  where  it  is  called  Rehoburta. 

Isaac  was  not  a  wanderer  like  his  father.  Lahai-roi 
in  the  desert,  "the  valley  of  Gerar,"  Beer-sheba  and 
Hebron,  were  the  places  round  which  his  life  revolved, 
and  they  were  all  close  to  one  another.  There  is  no 
trace  of  his  presence  in  the  north  of  Palestine,  and 
when  the  prophet  Amos  (vii.  16)  makes  Isaac 
synonymous  with  the  northern  kingdom  of  Israel, 
there  can  be  no  geographical  reference  in  his  words. 
Isaac  died  eventually  at  Hebron,  and  was  buried  in 
the  family  tomb  of  Machpelah. 

But  long  before  this  happened  Jacob  had  fled  from 
the  well-deserved  wrath  of  his  brother  to  his  uncle 
Laban  at  Harran.  On  his  way  he  had  slept  on  the 
rocky  ridge  of  Bethel,  and  had  beheld  in  vision  the 
angels  of  God  ascending  and  descending  the  steps  of 
a  staircase  that  led  to  heaven.  The  nature  of  the 
ground  itself  must  have  suggested  the  dream.  The 
limestone  rock  is  fissured  into  step-like  terraces,  which 
seem  formed  of  blocks  of  stone  piled  one  upon  the 
l  2 


other,  and  rising  upwards  like  a  gigantic  staircase 
towards  the  sky.  On  the  hill  that  towers  above  the 
ruins  of  Beth-el,  we  may  still  fancy  that  we  see  before 
us  the  "ladder  "  of  Jacob. 

But  the  vision  was  more  than  a  mere  dream.  God 
appeared  in  it  to  the  patriarch,  and  repeated  to  him 
the  promise  that  had  been  made  to  his  fathers. 
Through  Jacob,  the  younger  of  the  twins,  the  true  line 
of  Abraham  was  to  be  carried  on.  When  he  awoke 
in  the  morning  the  fugitive  recognized  the  real  char- 
acter of  his  dream.  He  took,  accordingly,  the  stone 
that  had  served  him  for  a  pillow,  and  setting  it  up  as 
an  altar,  poured  oil  upon  it,  and  so  made  it  a  Beth-el, 
or  "  House  of  God."  Henceforward  it  was  a  con- 
secrated altar,  a  holy  memorial  of  the  God  whose 
divinity  had  been  mysteriously  imparted  to  it. 

The  Semitic  world  was  full  of  such  Beth-els,  or  con- 
secrated stones.  They  are  referred  to  in  the  literature 
of  ancient  Babylonia,  and  an  English  traveller,  Mr. 
Doughty,  has  found  them  still  existing  near  the  Tema 
of  the  Old  Testament  in  Northern  Arabia.  In 
Phoenicia  we  are  told  that  they  abounded.  The  soli- 
tary rock  in  the  desert  or  on  the  mountain-side  seemed 
to  the  primitive  Semite  the  dwelling-place  of  deity ; 
it  rose  up  awe-striking  and  impressive  in  its  solitary 
grandeur  and  venerable  antiquity ;  it  was  a  shelter  to 
him  from  the  heat  of  the  sun,  and  a  protection  from 
the  perils  of  the  night.  When  his  worship  and  adora- 
tion came  in  time  to  be  transferred  from  the  stone 
itself  to  the  divinity  it  had  begun  to  symbolize,  it 
became  an  altar  on  which  the  libation  of  oil  or  wine 
might  be  poured  out  to  the  gods,  and  on  the  seals  of 
Syria  and  the  sculptured  slabs  of  Assyria  we  accord- 
ingly find  it  transformed  into  a  portable  altar,  and 


merged  in  the  cone-like  symbol  of  the  goddess 
Asherah.  The  stone  which  had  itself  been  a  Beth-el 
wherein  the  deity  had  his  home,  passed  by  degrees 
into  the  altar  of  the  god  whose  actual  dwelling-place 
was  in  heaven. 

The  Canaanitish  city  near  which  Jacob  had  raised 
the  monument  of  his  dream  bore  the  name  of  Luz. 
In  Israelitish  days,  however,  the  name  of  the  monu- 
ment was  transferred  to  that  of  the  city,  and  Luz 
itself  was  called  the  Beth-el,  or  "House  of  God." 
The  god  worshipped  there  when  the  Israelites  first 
entered  Canaan  appears  to  have  been  entitled  On, — a 
name  derived,  perhaps,  from  that  of  the  city  of  the 
Sun-god  in  Egypt.  Bethel  was  also  Beth-On,  "the 
temple  of  On,"  .from  whence  the  tribe  of  Benjamin 
afterwards  took  the  name  of  Ben-Oni,  "the  Onite." 
Beth-On  has  survived  into  our  own  times,  and  the 
site  of  the  old  city  is  still  known  as  Beitin. 

It  is  not  needful  to  follow  the  adventures  of  Jacob 
in  Mesopotamia.  His  new  home  lay  far  away  from 
the  boundaries  of  Palestine,  and  though  the  kings  of 
Aram-Naharaim  made  raids  at  times  into  the  land  of 
Canaan  and  caused  their  arms  to  be  feared  within  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem,  they  never  made  any  permanent 
conquests  on  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean.  In  the 
land  of  the  Aramaeans  Jacob  is  lost  for  awhile  from 
the  history  of  patriarchal  Palestine. 

When  he  again  emerges,  it  is  as  a  middle-aged  man, 
rich  in  flocks  and  herds,  who  has  won  two  wives  as 
the  reward  of  his  labours,  and  is  already  the  father  of 
a  family.  He  is  on  his  way  back  to  the  country  which 
had  been  promised  to  his  seed  and  wherein  he  himself 
had  been  born.  Laban,  his  father-in-law,  robbed  at 
once  of  his  daughters  and  his  household  gods,   is 


pursuing  him,  and  has  overtaken  him  on  the  spurs  of 
Mount  Gilead,  almost  within  sight  of  his  goal.  There 
a  covenant  is  made  between  the  Aramaean  and  the 
Hebrew,  and  a  cairn  of  stones  is  piled  up  to  com- 
memorate the  fact.  The  cairn  continued  to  bear  a 
double  name,  the  Aramaean  name  given  to  it  by 
Laban,  and  the  Canaanitish  name  of  Galeed,  "the 
heap  of  witnesses,"  by  which  it  was  called  by  Jacob. 
The  double  name  was  a  sign  of  the  two  populations 
and  languages  which  the  cairn  separated  from  one 
another.  Northward  were  the  Aramaeans  and  an 
Aramaic  speech ;  southward  the  land  of  Canaan  and 
the  language  which  we  term  Hebrew. 

The  spot  where  the  cairn  was  erected  bore  yet 
another  title.  It  was  also  called  Mizpah,  the  "watch- 
tower,"  the  outpost  from  which  the  dweller  in  Canaan 
could  discern  the  approaching  bands  of  an  enemy 
from  the  north  or  east.  It  protected  the  road  to  the 
Jordan,  and  kept  watch  over  the  eastern  plateau.  Here 
in  after  times  Jephthah  gathered  around  him  the 
patriots  of  Israel,  and  delivered  his  people  from  the 
yoke  of  the  Ammonites. 

Once  more  "Jacob  went  on  his  way,"  and  from  the 
"  two-fold  camp  "  of  Mahanaim  sent  messengers  to  his 
brother  Esau,  who  had  already  established  himself 
among  the  mountains  of  Seir.  Then  came  the  mys- 
terious struggle  in  the  silent  darkness  of  night  with 
one  whom  the  patriarch  believed  to  have  been  his 
God  Himself.  When  day  dawned,  the  vision  departed 
from  him,  but  not  until  his  name  had  been  changed. 
"Thy  name,"  it  was  declared  to  him,  "shall  be  called 
no  more  Jacob,  but  Israel ;  for  as  a  prince  hast  thou 
power  with  God  and  with  men,  and  hast  prevailed." 
And  his  thigh  was  shrunken,  so  that  the  children  of 


Israel  in  days  to  come  abstained  from  eating  "of  the 
sinew  which  shrank,  which  is  upon  the  hollow  of  the 
thigh."  The  spot  where  the  struggle  took  place, 
beside  the  waters  of  the  Jabbok,  was  named  Penu-el, 
"the  face  of  God."  There  was  more  than  one  other 
Penu-el  in  the  Semitic  world,  and  at  Carthage  the 
goddess  Tanith  was  entitled  Peni-Baal,  "the  face  of 

The  name  of  Israel,  as  we  may  learn  from  its  equiva- 
lent, Jeshurun,  was  really  derived  from  a  root  which 
signified  "to  be  straight,"  or  "upright."  The  Israel- 
ites were  in  truth  "the  people  of  uprightness."  It  is 
only  by  one  of  those  plays  upon  words,  of  which  the 
Oriental  is  still  so  fond,  that  the  name  can  be  brought 
into  connection  with  the  word  sar,  "a  prince."  But 
the  name  of  Jacob  was  well  known  among  the  northern 
Semites.  We  gather  from  the  inscriptions  of  Egypt 
that  its  full  form  was  Jacob-el.  Like  Jeshurun  by  the 
side  of  Israel,  or  Jephthah  by  the  side  of  Jiphthah-el 
(Josh.  xix.  27),  Jacob  is  but  an  abbreviated  Jacob-el. 
One  of  the  places  in  Palestine  conquered  by  the 
Pharaoh  Thothmes  III.,  the  names  of  which  are 
recorded  on  the  walls  of  his  temple  at  Karnak,  was 
Jacob-el — a  reminiscence,  doubtless,  of  the  Hebrew 
patriarch.  Prof.  Flinders  Petrie  has  made  us 
acquainted  with  Egyptian  scarabs  on  which  is  in- 
scribed in  hieroglyphic  characters  the  name  of  a  king, 
Jacob-har  or  Jacob-hal,  who  reigned  in  the  valley  of 
the  Nile  before  Abraham  entered  it,  and  Dr.  Pinches 
has  lately  discovered  the  name  of  Jacob-el  among  the 
persons  mentioned  in  contracts  of  the  time  of  the 
Babylonian  sovereign  Sin-muballidh,  who  was  a  con- 
temporary of  Chedor-laomer.  We  thus  have  monu- 
mental  evidence   that   the   name   of   Jacob    was   well 


known  in  the  Semitic  world  in  the  age  of  the  Hebrew 

Jacob  and  Esau  met  and  were  reconciled,  and  Jacob 
then  journeyed  onwards  to  Succoth,  "the  booths." 
The  site  of  this  village  of  "booths"  is  unknown,  but 
it  could  not  have  been  far  from  the  banks  of  the 
Jordan  and  the  road  to  Nablus.  The  neighbourhood 
of  Shechem,  called  in  Greek  times  Neapolis,  the 
Nablus  of  to-day,  was  the  next  resting-place  of  the 
patriarch.  If  we  are  to  follow  the  translation  of  the 
Authorized  Version,  it  would  have  been  at  "Shalem, 
a  city  of  Shechem,"  that  his  tents  were  pitched.  But 
many  eminent  scholars  believe  that  the  Hebrew  words 
should  rather  be  rendered  :  "And  Jacob  came  in  peace 
to  the  city  of  Shechem,"  the  reference  being  to  his 
peaceable  parting  from  his  brother.  There  is,  how- 
ever, a  hamlet  still  called  Salim,  nearly  three  miles  to 
the  east  of  Nablus,  and  it  may  be  therefore  that  it  was 
really,  at  a  place  termed  Shalem  that  Jacob  rested  on 
his  way.  In  this  case  the  field  bought  from  Hamor, 
"before  the  city  of  Shechem,"  cannot  have  been  where, 
since  the  days  of  our  Lord,  "Jacob's  well"  has  been 
pointed  out  (S.  John  iv.  5,  6).  The  well  is  situated 
considerably  westward  of  Salim,  midway,  in  fact, 
between  that  village  and  Nablus,  and  close  to  the 
village  of  'Askar,  with  which  the  "Sychar"  of  S. 
John's  Gospel  has  sometimes  been  identified.  It  has 
been  cut  through  the  solid  rock  to  a  depth  of  more 
than  a  hundred  feet,  and  the  groovings  made  by  the 
ropes  of  the  water-pots  in  far-off  centuries  are  still 
visible  at  its  mouth.  But  no  water  can  be  drawn  from 
it  now.  The  well  is  choked  with  the  rubbish  of  a 
ruined  church,  built  above  it  in  the  early  days  of 
Christianity,  and  of  which  all  that  remains  is  a  broken 


arch.  It  has  been  dug  at  a  spot  where  the  road  from 
Shechem  to  the  Jordan  branches  off  from  that  which 
runs  towards  the  north,  though  Shechem  itself  is  more 
than  a  mile  distant.  We  should  notice  that  S.  John 
does  not  say  that  the  well  was  actually  in  "the  parcel 
of  ground  that  Jacob  gave  to  his  son  Joseph,"  only 
that  it  was  "near  to"  the  patriarch's  field. 

If  Jacob  came  to  Shechem  in  peace,  the  peace  was 
of  no  long  continuance.  Simeon  and  Levi,  the  sons 
of  the  patriarch,  avenged  the  insult  offered  by  the 
Shechemite  prince  to  their  sister  Dinah,  by  treacher- 
ously falling  upon  the  city  and  slaying  "all  the 
males."  Jacob  was  forced  to  fly,  leaving  behind  him 
the  altar  he  had  erected.  He  made  for  the  Canaanitish 
city  of  Luz,  the  Beth-el  of  later  days,  where  he  had 
seen  the  great  altar-stairs  sloping  upward  to  heaven. 
The  idols  that  had  been  carried  from  Mesopotamia 
were  buried  "under  the  oak  which  was  by  Shechem," 
along  with  the  ear-rings  of  the  women.  The  oak  was 
one  of  those  sacred  trees  which  abounded  in  the 
Semitic  world,  like  another  oak  at  Beth-el,  beneath 
which  the  nurse  of  Rebekah  was  soon  afterwards  to 
be  buried. 

At  Beth-el  Jacob  built  another  altar.  But  he  could 
not  rest  there,  and  once  more  took  his  way  to  the 
south.  On  the  road  his  wife  Rachel  died  while  giving 
birth  to  his  youngest  son,  and  her  tomb  beside  the 
path  to  Beth-lehem  was  marked  by  a  "pillar"  which 
the  writer  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  tells  us  remained  to 
his  own  day.  It  indicated  the  boundary  between  the 
territories  of  Benjamin  and  Judah  at  Zelzah  (i  Sam. 
x.  2). 

At  Beth-lehem  Jacob  lingered  a  long  while.  His 
flocks  and  herds  were  spread  over  the  country,  under 


the  charge  of  his  sons,  browsing  on  the  hills  and 
watered  at  the  springs  for  which  the  "hill-country 
of  Judah  "  was  famous.  In  their  search  for  pasturage 
they  wandered  northward,  we  are  told,  "beyond  the 
tower  of  the  Flock,"  which  guarded  the  Jebusite 
stronghold  of  Zion  (Mic.  iv.  8).  Beth-lehem  itself 
was  more  commonly  known  in  that  age  by  the  name 
of  Ephrath.  Beth-lehem,  "the  temple  of  Lehem," 
must,  in  fact,  have  been  the  sacred  name  of  the  city 
derived  from  the  worship  of  its  chief  deity,  and  Mr. 
Tomkins  is  doubtless  right  in  seeing  in  this  deity  the 
Babylonian  Lakhmu,  who  with  his  consort  Lakhama, 
was  regarded  as  a  primaeval  god  of  the  nascent  world. 
At  Beth-lehem  Jacob  was  but  a  few  miles  distant 
from  Hebron,  where  Isaac  still  lived,  and  where  at  his 
death  he  was  buried  by  his  sons  Jacob  and  Esau  in 
the  family  tomb  of  Machpelah.  It  was  the  last  time, 
seemingly,  that  the  two  brothers  found  themselves 
together.  Esau,  partly  by  marriage,  partly  by  con- 
quest, dispossessed  the  Horites  of  Mount  Seir,  and 
founded  the  kingdom  of  Edom,  while  the  sons  and 
flocks  of  Jacob  scattered  themselves  from  Hebron  in 
the  south  of  Canaan  to  Shechem  in  its  centre.  The 
two  hallowed  sanctuaries  of  the  future  kingdoms  of 
Judah  and  Israel,  where  the  first  throne  was  set  up  in 
Israel  and  the  monarchy  of  David  was  first  estab- 
lished, thus  became  the  boundaries  of  the  herdsmen's 
domain.  In  both  the  Hebrew  patriarch  held  ground 
that  was  rightfully  his  own.  It  was  a  sign  that  the 
house  of  Israel  should  hereafter  occupy  the  land 
which  the  family  of  Israel  thus  roamed  over  with 
their  flocks.  The  nomad  was  already  passing 
into  the  settler,  with  fields  and  burial-places  of 
his  own. 


But  before  the  transformation  could  be  fully  accom- 
plished, a  long  season  of  growth  and  preparation  was 
needful.  Egypt,  and  not  Canaan,  was  to  be  the  land 
in  which  the  Chosen  People  should  be  trained  for  their 
future  work.  Canaan  itself  was  to  pass  under 
Egyptian  dominion,  and  to  replace  the  influence  of 
Babylonian  culture  by  that  of  Egypt.  It  was  a  new 
world  and  a  new  civilization  into  which  the  descend- 
ants of  Jacob  were  destined  to  emerge  when  finally 
they  escaped  from  the  fiery  furnace  of  Egyptian 
bondage.  The  Egypt  known  to  Jacob  was  an  Egypt 
over  which  Asiatic  princes  ruled,  and  whose  vizier 
was  himself  a  Hebrew.  It  was  the  Egypt  of  the 
Hyksos  conquerors,  whose  capital  was  Zoan,  on  the 
frontiers  of  Asia,  and  whose  people  were  the  slaves 
of  an  Asiatic  stranger.  The  Egypt  quitted  by  his 
descendants  was  one  which  had  subjected  Asia  to 
itself,  and  had  carried  the  spoils  of  Syria  to  its  splen- 
did capital  in  the  far  south.  The  Asiatic  wave  had 
been  rolled  back  from  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  and 
Egyptian  conquest  and  culture  had  overflooded  Asia 
as  far  as  the  Euphrates. 

But  it  was  not  Egypt  alone  which  had  undergone  a 
change.  The  Canaan  of  Abraham  and  Jacob  looked 
to  Babylonia  for  its  civilization,  its  literature,  and  its 
laws.  Its  princes  recognized  at  times  the  supremacy 
of  the  Babylonian  sovereigns,  and  the  deities  of  Baby- 
lonia were  worshipped  in  its  midst.  The  Canaan  of 
Moses  had  long  been  a  province  of  the  Egyptian 
Empire ;  Egyptian  rule  had  been  substituted  for  that 
of  Babylon,  and  the  manners  and  customs  of  Egypt 
had  penetrated  deeply  into  the  minds  of  its  inhabit- 
ants. The  Hittite  invasion  from  the  north  had  blocked 
the  high-road  to  Babylonia,  and  diverted  the  trade  of 


Palestine  towards  the  west  and  the  south.  While 
Abraham,  the  native  of  Ur,  and  the  emigrant  from 
Harran,  had  found  himself  in  Canaan,  and  even  at 
Zoan,  still  within  the  sphere  of  the  influences  among 
which  he  had  grown  up,  the  fugitives  from  Egypt 
entered  on  the  invasion  of  a  country  which  had  but 
just  been  delivered  from  the  yoke  of  the  Pharaohs. 
It  was  an  Egyptian  Canaan  that  the  Israelites  were 
called  upon  to  subdue,  and  it  was  fitting  therefore  that 
they  should  have  been  made  ready  for  the  task  by 
their  long  sojourn  in  the  land  of  Goshen. 

How  that  sojourn  came  about,  it  is  not  for  us  to 
recount.  The  story  of  Joseph  is  too  familiar  to  be 
repeated,  though  we  are  but  just  beginning  to  learn 
how  true  it  is,  in  all  its  details,  to  the  facts  which 
Egyptian  research  is  bringing  more  and  more  fully 
to  light.  We  see  the  Midianite  and  Ishmaelite 
caravan  passing  Dothan — still  known  by  its  ancient 
name — with  their  bales  of  spicery  from  Gilead  for 
the  dwellers  in  the  delta,  and  carrying  away  with  them 
the  young  Hebrew  slave.  We  watch  his  rise  in  the 
house  of  his  Egyptian  master,  his  wrongful  imprison- 
ment and  sudden  exaltation  when  he  sits  by  the  side 
of  Pharaoh  and  governs  Egypt  in  the  name  of  the 
king.  We  read  the  pathetic  story  of  the  old  father 
sending  his  sons  to  buy  corn  from  the  royal  granaries 
or  larits  of  Egypt,  and  withholding  to  the  last  his 
youngest  and  dearest  one ;  of  the  Beduin  shepherds 
bowing  all  unconsciously  before  the  brother  whom 
they  had  sold  into  slavery,  and  who  now  holds  in  his 
hands  the  power  of  life  and  death;  of  Joseph's  dis- 
closure of  himself  to  the  conscious-stricken  suppliants; 
of  Jacob's  cry  when  convinced  at  last  that  "the 
governor  over  all  the  land  of  Egypt "  was  his  long- 


mourned  son.  "It  is  enough;  Joseph  my  son  is  yet 
alive  :  I  will  go  and  see  him  before  I  die." 

Jacob  and  his  family  travelled  in  wagons  along  the 
high-road  which  connected  the  south  of  Palestine  with 
the  Delta.  It  led  past  Beer-sheba  and  El-Arish  to  the 
Shur,  or  line  of  fortifications  which  protected  the 
eastern  frontier  of  Egypt.  The  modern  caravan  road 
follows  its  course  most  of  the  way.  It  was  thus  dis- 
tinct from  "the  way  of  the  Philistines,"  which  led 
along  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  on  the  northern 
edge  of  the  Sirbonian  Lake.  In  Egypt  the  Israelitish 
emigrants  settled  not  far  from  the  Hyksos  capital  in 
the  land  of  Goshen,  which  the  excavations  of  Dr. 
Naville  have  shown  to  be  the  Wadi  Tumilat  of  to-day. 
Here  they  multiplied  and  grew  wealthy,  until  the 
evil  days  came  when  the  Egyptians  rose  up 
against  Semitic  influence  and  control,  and  Ramses  II. 
transformed  the  free-born  Beduin  into  public 

But  the  age  of  Ramses  II.  was  still  far  distant  when 
Jacob  died  full  of  years,  and  his  mummy  was  carried 
to  the  burial-place  of  his  fathers  "in  the  land  of 
Canaan."  Local  tradition  connected  the  name  of 
Abel-mizraim,  "the  meadow  of  Egypt,"  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  Jordan,  with  the  long  funeral  procession 
which  wended  its  way  from  Zoan  to  Hebron.  We 
cannot  believe,  however,  that  the  mourners  would 
have  so  far  gone  out  of  their  road,  even  if  the 
etymology  assigned  by  tradition  to  the  name  could 
be  supported.  The  tradition  bears  witness  to  the  fact 
of  the  procession,  but  to  nothing  more. 

With  the  funeral  of  Jacob  a  veil  falls  upon  the 
Biblical  history  of  Canaan,  until  the  days  when  the 
spies  were  sent  out  to  search  the  land.     Joseph  was 


buried  in  Egypt,  not  at  Hebron,  though  he  had  made 
the  Israelites  swear  before  his  death  that  his  mummy 
should  be  eventually  taken  to  Palestine.  The  road  to 
Hebron,  it  is  clear,  was  no  longer  open,  and  the  power 
of  the  Hyksos  princes  must  have  been  fast  waning. 
The  war  of  independence  had  broken  out,  and  the 
native  kings  of  Upper  Egypt  were  driving  the 
foreigner  back  into  Asia.  The  rulers  of  Zoan  had  no 
longer  troops  to  spare  for  a  funeral  procession  through 
the  eastern  desert. 

The  Chronicler,  however,  has  preserved  a  notice 
which  seems  to  show  that  a  connection  was  still  kept 
up  between  southern  Canaan  and  the  Hebrew  settlers 
in  Goshen,  even  after  Jacob's  death,  perhaps  while  he 
was  yet  living.  We  are  told  that  certain  of  the  sons  of 
Ephraim  were  slain  by  the  men  of  Gath,  whose  cattle 
they  had  attempted  to  steal,  and  that  their  father,  after 
mourning  many  days,  comforted  himself  with  the  birth 
of  other  sons  (i  Chron.  vii.  21-26).  The  notice, 
moreover,  does  not  stand  alone.  Thothmes  III.,  the 
great  conqueror  of  the  eighteenth  Egyptian  dynasty, 
states  that  two  of  the  places  captured  by  him  in  Pales- 
tine were  Jacob-el  and  Joseph-el.  It  is  tempting  to 
see  in  the  two  names  reminiscences  of  the  Hebrew 
patriarch  and  his  son.  If  so,  the  name  of  Joseph 
would  have  been  impressed  upon  a  locality  in  Canaan 
more  than  two  centuries  before  the  Exodus.  The 
geographical  lists  of  Thothmes  III.  and  the  fragments 
of  early  history  preserved  by  the  Chronicler  would 
thus  support  and  complete  one  another.  The  Egyptian 
cavalry  who  accompanied  the  mummy  of  Jacob  to  its 
resting-place  at  Machpelah,  would  not  be  the  only 
evidence  of  the  authority  claimed  by  Joseph  and  his 
master  in  the  land  of  Canaan ;  Joseph  himself  would 


have  left  his  name  there,  and  his  grand-children  would 
have  fought  against  "the  men  of  Gath." 

But  these  are  speculations  which  may,  or  may  not, 
be  confirmed  by  archaeological  discovery.  For  the 
Book  of  Genesis  Canaan  disappears  from  sight  with 
the  death  of  Jacob.  Henceforward  it  is  upon  Egypt 
and  the  nomad  settlers  in  Goshen  that  the  attention 
of  the  Pentateuch  is  fixed,  until  the  time  comes  when 
the  age  of  the  patriarchs  is  superseded  by  that  of  the 
legislator,  and  Moses,  the  adopted  son  of  the  Egyptian 
princess,  leads  his  people  back  to  Canaan.  Joseph 
had  been  carried  by  Midianitish  hands  out  of  Pales- 
tine into  Egypt,  there  to  become  the  representative  of 
the  Pharaoh,  and  son-in-law  of  the  high-priest  of 
Heliopolis;  for  Moses,  the  adopted  grandson  of  the 
Pharaoh,  "learned  in  all  the  wisdom  of  the 
Egyptians,"  it  was  reserved,  after  years  of  trial  and 
preparation  in  Midian,  to  bring  the  descendants  of 
Jacob  out  of  their  Egyptian  prison-house  to  the 
borders  of  the  Promised  Land. 



Palestine  has  been  a  land  of  pilgrims  and  tourists 
from  the  very  beginning  of  its  history.  It  was  the 
goal  of  the  migration  of  Abraham  and  his  family,  and 
it  was  equally  the  object  of  the  oldest  book  of  travels 
with  which  we  are  acquainted.  Allusion  has  already 
been  made  more  than  once  to  the  Egyptian  papyrus, 
usually  known  as  The  Travels  of  a  Mohar,  and  in 
which  a  satirical  account  is  given  of  a  tour  in  Pales- 
tine and  Syria.  The  writer  was  a  professor,  appar- 
ently of  literature,  in  the  court  of  Ramses  II.,  and 
he  published  a  series  of  letters  to  his  friend,  Nekht- 
sotep,  which  were  long  admired  as  models  of  style. 
Nekht-sotep  was  one  of  the  secretaries  attached  to  the 
military  staff,  and  among  the  letters  is  a  sort  of  parody 
of  an  account  given  by  Nekht-sotep  of  his  adventures 
in  Canaan,  which  was  intended  partly  to  show  how 
an  account  of  the  kind  ought  to  have  been  written  by 
an  accomplished  penman,  partly  to  prove  the  superi- 
ority of  the  scribe's  life  to  that  of  the  soldier,  partly 
also,  it  may  be,  for  the  sake  of  teasing  the  writer's 
correspondent.  Nekht-sotep  had  evidently  assumed 
airs  of  superiority  on  the  strength  of  his  foreign 
travels,  and  his  stay-at-home  friend  undertook  to 
demonstrate  that  he  had  himself  enjoyed  the  more 
comfortable  life  of  the  two.  Nekht-sotep  is  playfully 
dubbed  with  the  foreign  title  of  Mohar — or  more 


correctly  Muhir — a  word  borrowed  from  Assyrian, 
where  it  primarily  signified  a  military  commander  and 
then  the  governor  of  a  province. 

Long  before  the  days  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty, 
however,  there  had  been  Egyptian  travellers  in  Pales- 
tine, or  at  least  in  the  adjoining  countries.  One  of 
the  Egyptian  books  which  have  come  down  to  us  con- 
tains the  story  of  a  certain  Sinuhit  who  had  to  fly 
from  Egypt  in  consequence  of  some  political  troubles 
in  which  he  was  involved  after  the  death  of  Amon-m- 
hat  I.  of  the  twelfth  dynasty.  Crossing  the  Nile  near 
Kher-ahu,  the  Old  Cairo  of  to-day,  he  gained  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  river  and  made  his  way  to  the 
line  of  forts  which  protected  Egypt  from  its  Asiatic 
enemies.  Here  he  crouched  among  the  desert  bushes 
till  night-fall,  lest  "the  watchmen  of  the  tower" 
should  see  him,  and  then  pursued  his  journey  under 
the  cover  of  darkness.  At  daybreak  he  reached  the 
land  of  Peten  and  the  wadi  of  Qem-uer  on  the  line 
of  the  modern  Suez  Canal.  There  thirst  seized  upon 
him;  his  throat  rattled,  and  he  said  to  himself — "This 
is  the  taste  of  death."  A  Bedawi,  however,  perceived 
him  and  had  compassion  on  the  fugitive  :  he  gave  him 
water  and  boiled  milk,  and  Sinuhit  for  a  while  joined 
the  nomad  tribe.  Then  he  passed  on  to  the  country 
of  Qedem,  the  Kadmonites  of  the  Old  Testament 
(Gen.  xv.  19;  Judges  vi.  3),  whence  came  the  wise 
men  of  the  East  (1  Kings  iv.  30).  After  spending  a 
year  and  a  half  there,  'Ammu-nnshi,  the  prince  of  the 
Upper  land  of  Tenu,  asked  the  Egyptian  stranger  to 
come  to  him,  telling  him  that  he  would  hear  the 
language  of  Egypt.  He  added  that  he  had  already 
heard  about  Sinuhit  from  "the  Egyptians  who  were 
in  the  country."  It  is  clear  from  this  that  there  had 


been  intercourse  for  some  time  between   Egypt  and 
"the  Upper  Tenu." 

It  is  probable  that  Dr.  W.  Max  Miiller  is  right  in 
seeing  in  Tenu  an  abbreviated  form  of  Lutennu  (or 
Rutenu),  the  name  by  which  Syria  was  known  to  the 
Egyptians.  There  was  an  Upper  Lutennu  and  a 
Lower  Lutennu,  the  Upper  Lutenna  corresponding 
with  Palestine  and  the  adjoining  country,  and  thus 
including  the  district  near  Beyrout  of  which  'Ammu- 
anshi  or  Ammi-anshi  was  king.  In  the  name  of 
'Ammu-anshi,  it  may  be  observed,  we  have  the  name 
of  the  deity  who  appears  as  Ammi  or  Ammon  in  the 
kingdom  of  the  Ammonites,  and  perhaps  forms  the 
second  element  in  the  name  of  Balaam.  The  same 
divine  name  enters  into  the  composition  of  those  of 
early  kings  of  Ma'in  in  Southern  Arabia,  as  well  as 
of  Babylonia  in  the  far  East.1 

'Ammu-anshi  married  Sinuhit  to  his  eldest 
daughter,  and  bestowed  upon  him  the  government 
of  a  district  called  Aia  which  lay  on  the  frontier  of 
a  neighbouring  country.  Aia  is  described  as  rich  in 
vines,  figs,  and  olives,  in  wrheat  and  barley,  in  milk 
and  cattle.  "Its  wine  was  more  plentiful  than  water," 
and  Sinuhit  had  "daily  rations  of  bread  and  wine, 
cooked  meat  and  roast  fowl,"  as  well  as  abundance  of 
game.  He  lived  there  for  many  years.  The  children 
born  to  him  by  his  Asiatic  wife  grew  up  and  became 
heads  of  tribes.  "  I  gave  water  to  the  thirsty,"  he 
says ;  "  I  set  on  his  journey  the  traveller  who  had  been 
hindered  from  passing  by;  I  chastised  the  brigand.  I 
commanded  the  Beduin,  who  departed  afar  to  strike  and 
repel  the  princes  of  foreign  lands,  and  they  marched 
(under  me),  for  the  prince  of  Tenu  allowed  that  I  should 
be  during  long  years  the  general  of  his  soldiers." 
1  See  above,  p.  54. 


Sinuhit,  in  fact,  had  given  proof  of  his  personal 
prowess  at  an  early  period  in  his  career.  The 
champion  of  Tenu  had  come  to  him  in  his  tent  and 
challenged  him  to  single  combat.  The  Egyptian  was 
armed  with  bow,  arrows,  and  dagger ;  his  adversary 
with  battle-axe,  javelins,  and  buckler.  The  contest 
was  short,  and  ended  in  the  decisive  victory  of  Sinuhit, 
who  wounded  his  rival  and  despoiled  him  of  his 

A  time  came,  however,  when  Sinuhit  grew  old,  and 
began  to  long  to  see  once  more  the  land  of  his  fathers 
before  he  died.  Accordingly  he  sent  a  petition  to  the 
Pharaoh  praying  him  to  forgive  the  offences  of  his 
youth  and  allow  him  to  return  again  to  Egypt.  The 
petition  was  granted,  and  a  letter  was  despatched  to 
the  refugee,  permitting  him  to  return.  Sinuhit  accord- 
ingly quitted  the  land  where  he  had  lived  so  long. 
First  of  all  he  held  a  festival,  and  handed  over  his 
property  to  his  children,  making  his  eldest  son  the 
chief  of  the  tribe.  Then  he  travelled  southward  to 
Egypt,  and  was  graciously  received  at  court.  The 
coarse  garments  of  the  Beduin  were  exchanged  for 
fine  linen ;  his  body  was  bathed  with  water  and 
scented  essences;  he  lay  once  more  on  a  couch  and 
enjoyed  the  luxurious  cookery  of  the  Egyptians.  A 
house  and  pyramid  were  built  for  him ;  a  garden  was 
laid  out  for  him  with  a  lake  and  a  kiosk,  and  a  golden 
statue  with  a  robe  of  electrum  was  set  up  in  it. 
Sinuhit  ceased  to  be  an  Asiatic  "barbarian,"  and 
became  once  more  a  civilized  Egyptian. 

The  travels  of  Sinuhit  were  involuntary,  but  a  time 
came  when  a  tour  in  Palestine  was  almost  as  much  the 
fashion  as  it  is  to-day.  The  conquests  of  Thothmes 
III.  had  made  Syria  an  Egyptian  province,  and  had 
introduced   Syrians   into  the   Egyptian   bureaucracy. 


Good  roads  were  made  throughout  the  newly-acquired 
territory,  furnished  with  post-houses  where  food  and 
lodging  could  be  procured,  and  communication  be- 
tween Egypt  and  Canaan  thus  became  easy  and  fre- 
quent. The  fall  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty  caused 
only  a  momentary  break  in  the  intercourse  between 
the  two  countries;  with  the  establishment  of  the  nine- 
teenth dynasty  it  was  again  resumed.  Messengers 
passed  backward  and  forward  between  Syria  and  the 
court  of  the  Pharaoh ;  Asiatics  once  more  thronged 
into  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  and  the  Egyptian  civil 
servant  and  traveller  followed  in  the  wake  of  the 
victorious  armies  of  Seti  and  Ramses.  The  Travels 
of  a  Mohar  is  the  result  of  this  renewed  acquaintance 
with  the  cities  and  roads  of  Palestine. 

The  writer  is  anxious  to  display  his  knowledge 
of  Syrian  geography.  Though  he  had  not  himself 
ventured  to  brave  the  discomforts  of  foreign  travel, 
he  wished  to  show  that  he  knew  as  much  about  Canaan 
as  those  who  had  actually  been  there.  A  tour  there 
was,  after  all,  not  much  to  boast  of;  it  had  become  so 
common  that  the  geography  of  Canaan  was  as  well 
known  as  that  of  Egypt  itself,  and  the  stay-at-home 
scribe  had  consequently  no  difficulty  in  compiling  a 
guide-book  to  it. 

The  following  is  the  translation  given  by  Dr. 
Brugsch  of  the  papyrus,  with  such  alterations  as 
have  been  necessitated  by  further  study  and  research. 
"I  will  portray  for  thee  the  likeness  of  a  Mohar,  I 
will  let  thee  know  what  he  does.  Hast  thou  not  gone 
to  the  land  of  the  Hittites,  and  hast  thou  not  seen 
the  land  of  Aupa?  Dost  thou  not  know  what 
Khaduma  is  like;  the  land  of  Igad'i  also  how  it  is 
formed?    The  Zar  (or  Plain)  of  king  Sesetsu  (Sesos- 


tris) — on  which  side  of  it  lies  the  town  of  Aleppo, 
and  how  is  its  ford?  Hast  thou  not  taken  thy  road 
to  Kadesh  (on  the  Orontes)  and  Tubikhi  ?  Hast  thou 
not  gone  to  the  Shasu  (Beduin)  with  numerous  mer- 
cenaries, and  hast  thou  not  trodden  the  way  to  the 
Maghar[at]  (the  caves  of  the  Magoras  near  Beyrout) 
where  the  heaven  is  dark  in  the  daytime  ?  The  place 
is  planted  with  maple-trees,  oaks,  and  acacias,  which 
reach  up  to  heaven,  full  of  beasts,  bears  ( ?),  and  lions, 
and  surrounded  by  Shasu  in  all  directions.  Hast  thou 
not  ascended  the  mountain  of  Shaua,  and  hast  thou 
not  trodden  it?  There  thy  hands  hold  fast  to  the 
[rein]  of  thy  chariot ;  a  jerk  has  shaken  thy  horses  in 
drawing  it.  I  pray  thee,  let  us  go  to  the  city  of 
Beeroth  (Beyrout).  Hast  thou  not  hastened  to  its 
ascent  after  passing  over  the  ford  in  front  of  it? 

"Do  thou  explain  this  relish  for  [the  life  of]  a 
Mohar !  Thy  chariot  lies  there  [before]  thee ;  thy 
[feet]  have  fallen  lame;  thou  treadest  the  backward 
path  at  eventide.  All  thy  limbs  are  ground  small. 
Thy  [bones]  are  broken  to  pieces,  and  thou  dost  fall 
asleep.  Thou  awakest :  it  is  the  time  of  gloomy  night, 
and  thou  art  alone.  Has  not  a  thief  come  to  rob  thee  ? 
Some  grooms  have  entered  the  stable ;  the  horse  kicks 
out ;  the  thief  has  made  off  in  the  night,  thy  clothes 
are  stolen.  Thy  groom  wakes  up  in  the  night;  he 
sees  what  has  happened  to  him ;  he  takes  what  is  left, 
he  goes  off  to  bad  company,  he  joins  the  Beduin.  He 
transforms  himself  into  an  Asiatic.  The  police  (?) 
come,  they  [feel  about]  for  the  robber;  he  is  dis- 
covered, and  is  immovable  from  terror.  Thou  wakest, 
thou  findest  no  trace  of  them,  for  they  have  carried  off 
thy  property. 

"Become  [again]  a  Mohar  who  is  fully  accoutred. 


Let  thy  ear  be  filled  with  that  which  I  relate  to  thee 

"The  town  '  Hidden  ' — such  is  the  meaning  of  its 
name  Gebal — what  is  its  condition  ?  Its  goddess  [we 
will  speak  of]  at  another  time.  Hast  thou  not  visited 
it  ?  Be  good  enough  to  look  out  for  Beyrout,  Sidon, 
and  Sarepta.  Where  are  the  fords  of  the  land  of 
Nazana?  The  country  of  Authu  (Usu),  what  is  its 
condition  ?  They  are  situated  above  another  city  in 
the  sea,  Tyre  the  port  is  its  name.  Drinking-water  is 
brought  to  it  in  boats.  It  is  richer  in  fishes  than  in 
sand.  I  will  tell  thee  of  something  else.  It  is  danger- 
ous to  enter  Zair'aun.  Thou  wilt  say  it  is  burning 
with  a  very  painful  sting  ( ?).  Come,  Mohar.  Go 
forward  on  the  way  to  the  land  of  Pa-'A  .  .  ina. 
Where  is  the  road  to  Achshaph  (Ekdippa)  ?  Towards 
which  town  ?  Pray  look  at  the  mountain  of  User. 
How  is  its  crest  ?  Where  is  the  mountain  of  Sakama 
(Shechem)  ?  Who  can  surmount  it?  Mohar,  whither 
must  you  take  a  journey  to  the  land  of  Hazor  ?  How 
is  its  ford  ?  Show  me  how  one  goes  to  Hamath, 
Dagara,  [and]  Dagar-el,  to  the  place  where  all  Mohars 
meet  ?  Be  good  enough  to  spy  out  its  road ;  cast  a 
look  on  Ya  .  .  .  When  one  goes  to  the  land  of 
Adamim,  to  what  is  one  opposite  ?  Do  not  draw  back, 
but  instruct  us.  Guide  us,  that  we  may  know,  O 
leader  ! 

"  I  will  name  to  thee  other  cities  besides  these.  Hast 
thou  not  gone  to  the  land  of  Takhis,  to  Kafir-Marona, 
Tamnah,  Kadesh,  Dapul,  Azai,  Har-nammata,  and 
hast  thou  not  seen  Kirjath-Anab,  near  Beth-Sopher? 
and  dost  thou  not  know  Adullam  [and]  Zidiputa  ?  Or 
dost  thou  not  know  any  better  the  name  of  Khalza  in 
the  land  of  Aupa,  [like]  a  bull  upon   its  frontiers? 


Here  is  the  place  where  all  the  mighty  warriors  are 
seen.  Be  good  enough  to  look  and  see  the  chapel  of 
the  land  of  Qina,  and  tell  me  about  Rehob.  Describe 
Beth-sha-el  (Beth-el),  along  with  Tarqa-el.  The  ford 
of  the  land  of  Jordan,  how  is  it  crossed?  Teach  me 
to  know  the  passage  that  leads  to  the  land  of  Megiddo, 
which  lies  in  front  of  it.  Verily  thou  art  a  Mohar, 
well  skilled  in  the  work  of  the  strong  hand.  Pray,  is 
there  found  a  Mohar  like  thee,  to  place  at  the  head  of 
the  army,  or  a  seigneur  who  can  beat  thee  in  shooting  ? 

"Beware  of  the  gorge  of  the  precipice,  2000  cubits 
deep,  which  is  full  of  rocks  and  boulders.  Thou 
turnest  back  in  a  zigzag,  thou  bearest  thy  bow,  thou 
takest  the  iron  in  thy  left  hand.  Thou  lettest  the  old 
men  see,  if  their  eyes  are  good,  how,  worn  out  with 
fatigue,  thou  supportest  thyself  with  thy  hand.  Ebed 
gamal  Mohar  n'amu  ('  A  camel's  slave  is  the  Mohar  ! 
they  say  ') ;  so  they  say,  and  thou  gainest  a  name 
among  the  Mohars  and  the  knights  of  the  land  of 
Egypt.  Thy  name  becomes  like  that  of  Qazairdai, 
the  lord  of  Asel,  when  the  lions  found  him  in  the 
thicket,  in  the  defile  which  is  rendered  dangerous  by 
the  Shasu  who  lie  in  ambush  among  the  trees.  They 
measured  four  cubits  from  the  nose  to  the  heel,  they 
had  a  grinf  look,  without  softness ;  they  cared  not 
for  caresses. 

"Thou  art  alone,  no  strong  one  is  with  thee,  no 
armee  is  behind  thee,  no  Ariel  who  prepares  the  way 
for  thee,  and  gives  thee  information  of  the  road  before 
thee.  Thou  knowest  not  the  road.  The  hair  on  thy 
head  stands  on  end;  it  bristles  up.  Thy  soul  is  given 
into  thy  hands.  Thy  path  is  full  of  rocks  and 
boulders,  there  is  no  outlet  near,  it  is  overgrown  with 
creepers  and  wolf's-bane.     The  precipice  is  on  one 


side  of  thee,  the  mountain  and  the  wall  of  rock  on  the 
other.  Thou  drivest  in  against  it.  The  chariot  jumps 
on  which  thou  art.  Thou  are  troubled  to  hold  up  thy 
horses.  If  it  falls  down  the  precipice,  the  pole  drags 
thee  down  too.  Thy  ceintures  are  pulled  away.  They 
fall  down.  Thou  shacklest  the  horse,  because  the 
pole  is  broken  on  the  path  of  the  defile.  Not  knowing 
how  to  tie  it  up,  thou  understandest  not  how  it  is  to 
be  repaired.  The  essieu  is  left  on  the  spot,  as  the 
load  is  too  heavy  for  the  horses.  Thy  courage  has 
evaporated.  Thou  beginnest  to  run.  The  heaven  is 
cloudless.  Thou  art  thirsty ;  the  enemy  is  behind 
thee ;  a  trembling  seizes  thee ;  a  twig  of  thorny  acacia 
worries  thee;  thou  thrustest  it  aside;  the  horse  is 
scratched  till  at  length  thou  findest  rest. 

"Explain  to  me  thy  liking  for  [the  life  of]  a  Mohar  ! 

"Thou  comest  into  Joppa;  thou  findest  the  date- 
palm  in  full  bloom  in  its  time.  Thou  openest  wide 
thy  mouth  in  order  to  eat.  Thou  findest  that  the  maid 
who  keeps  the  garden  is  fair.  She  does  whatever  thou 
wantest  of  her.  .  .  Thou  art  recognized,  thou  art 
brought  to  trial,  and  owest  thy  preservation  to  being 
a  \Mohar.  Thy  girdle  of  the  finest  stuff  thou  payest 
as  the  price  of  a  worthless  rag.  Thou  sleepest  every 
evening  with  a  rug  of  fur  over  thee.  "Thou  sleepest 
a  deep  sleep,  for  thou  art  weary.  A  thief  steals 
thy  bow  and  thy  sword  from  thy  side ;  thy  quiver  and 
thy  armour  are  cut  to  pieces  in  the  darkness;  thy  pair 
of  horses  run  away.  The  groom  takes  his  course  over 
a  slippery  path  which  rises  before  him.  He  breaks 
thy  chariot  in  pieces;  he  follows  thy  footsteps.  [He 
finds]  thy  equipments  which  had  fallen  on  the  ground 
and  had  sunk  into  the  sand,  leaving  only  an  empty 

"Prayer  does  not  avail  thee,  even  when  thy  mouth 


says,  '  Give  food  in  addition  to  water,  that  I  may- 
reach  my  goal  in  safety,'  they  are  deaf  and  will  not 
hear.  They  say  not  yes  to  thy  words.  The  iron- 
workers enter  into  the  smithy;  they  rummage  in  the 
workshops  of  the  carpenters;  the  handicraftsmen  and 
saddlers  are  at  hand ;  they  do  whatever  thou  requirest. 
They  put  together  thy  chariot ;  they  put  aside  the  parts 
of  it  that  are  made  useless;  thy  spokes  are  fagonne 
quite  new ;  thy  wheels  are  put  on ;  they  put  the 
courroies  on  the  axles  and  on  the  hinder  part ;  they 
splice  thy  yoke,  they  put  on  the  box  of  thy  chariot ; 
the  [workmen]  in  iron  forge  the  .  .  .  ;  they  put  the 
ring  that  is  wanting  on  thy  whip,  they  replace  the 
lanieres  upon  it. 

"Thou  goest  quickly  onward  to  fight  on  the  battle- 
field, to  do  the  deeds  of  a  strong  hand  and  of  firm 

"Before  I  wrote  I  sought  me  out  a  Mohar  who 
knows  his  power  and  leads  the  jeunesse,  a  chief  in  the 
armee,  [who  travels]  even  to  the  end  of  the  world. 

"Answer  me  not  '  This  is  good;  this  is  bad;  '  repeat 
not  to  me  your  opinion.  Come,  I  will  tell  thee  all  that 
lies  before  thee  at  the  end  of  thy  journey. 

"  I  begin  for  thee  with  the  palace  of  Sesetsu  (Sesos- 
tris).  Hast  thou  not  set  foot  in  it  by  force?  Hast 
thou  not  eaten  the  fish  in  the  brook  .  .  .  ?  Hast  thou 
not  washed  thyself  in  it?  With  thy  permission  I 
will  remind  thee  of  Huzana;  where  is  its  fortress? 
Come,  I  pray  thee,  to  the  palace  of  the  land  of  Uazit, 
even  to  Osymandyas  (Ramses  II.)  in  his  victories, 
[to]  S  .  .  z-el,  together  with  Absaqbu.  I  will  inform 
thee  of  the  land  of  'Ainin  (the  two  Springs),  the 
customs  of  which  thou  knowest  not.  The  land  of  the 
lake  of  Nakhai,  and  the  land  of  Rehoburta  thou  hast 
not  seen  since  thou  wast  born,  O  Mohar.     Rapih  is 


widely  extended.     What  is  its  wall  like?     It  extends 
for  a  mile  in  the  direction  of  Gaza." 

The  French  words  introduced  from  time  to  time  by 
Dr.  Brugsch  into  the  translation  represent  the  Semitic 
words  which  the  Egyptian  writer  has  employed.  They 
illustrate  the  fashionable  tendency  of  his  day  to  fill 
the  Egyptian  vocabulary  with  the  words  and  phrases 
of  Canaan.  It  was  the  revenge  taken  by  Palestine  for 
its  invasion  and  conquest  by  the  armies  of  Seti  and 
Ramses.  Thus  armee  corresponds  to  the  Semitic 
tsaba,  "army,"  jeunesse  to  na'aruna,  "young  men." 
The  Egyptian  scribe,  however,  sometimes  made  mis- 
takes similar  to  those  which  modern  novelists  are  apt 
to  commit  in  their  French  quotations.  Instead  of 
writing,  as  he  intended,  'ebed  gamal  Mohar  na'amu 
("a  camel's  slave  is  the  Mohar  !  they  say"),  he  has 
assigned  the  Canaanite  vowel  ayin  to  the  wrong  word, 
and  mis-spelt  the  name  of  the  "camel,"  so  that  the 
phrase  is  transformed  into  abad  kamal  Mohar  n'amu 
("the  camel  of  the  Mohar  has  perished,  they  are 
pleasant  ").1 

Most  of  the  geographical  names  mentioned  in  the 
papyrus  can  be  identified.  Aupa,  the  Ubi  of  the  Tel 
el-Amarna  tablets,  was  on  the  borders  of  the  land  of 
the  Hittites,  and  not  far  from  Aleppo.  The  Zar  or 
"Plain  "  of  Sesostris  makes  its  appearance  in  the  lists 
of  conquered  towns  and  countries  which  were  drawn 
up  by  Thothmes  III.,  Seti  I.,  Ramses  II.,  and 
Ramses  III.,  in  order  to  commemorate  their  victories 
in  Syria.     The  word  probably  migrated  from  Baby- 

1  It  is  curious  that  a  similar  mistake  in  regard  to  the  spelling  of 
'  ebed,  "  slave  "  or  "  servant,"  has  been  made  in  an  Aramaic  inscrip- 
tion which  I  have  discovered  on  the  rocks  near  Silsileh  in  Upper 
Egypt,  where  the  name  of  Ebed-Nebo  is  written  Abed-Nebo. 


Ionia,  where  the  zeru  denoted  the  alluvial  plain  which 
lay  between  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates.  Kadesh, 
the  southern  capital  of  the  Hittites,  "in  the  land  of 
the  Amorites,"  lay  on  the  Orontes,  close  to  the  lake 
of  Horns,  and  has  been  identified  by  Col.  Conder 
with  the  modern  Tel  em-Mindeh.  Tubikhi,  of  which 
we  have  already  heard  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters, 
is  also  mentioned  in  the  geographical  lists  inscribed 
by  Thothmes  III.  on  the  walls  of  his  temple  at  Karnak 
(No.  6);  it  there  precedes  the  name  of  Kamta  or 
Qamdu,  the  Kumidi  of  Tel  el-Amarna.  It  is  the 
Tibhath  of  the  Old  Testament,  out  of  which  David 
took  "very  much  brass"  (1  Chron.  xviii.  8).  The 
Maghar(at)  or  "Caves"  gave  their  name  to  the 
Magoras,  the  river  of  Beyrout,  as  well  as  to  the 
Mearah  of  the  Book  of  Joshua  (xiii.  4).  As  for  the 
mountain  of  Shaua,  it  is  described  by  the  Assyrian 
king  Tiglath-pileser  III.  as  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  northern  Lebanon,  while  the  city  of  the  Beeroth 
or  "Cisterns"  is  probably  Beyrout. 

The  Mohar  is  now  carried  to  Phoenicia.  Gebal, 
Beyrout,  Sidon,  and  Sarepta,  are  named  one  after  the 
other,  as  the  traveller  is  supposed  to  be  journeying 
from  north  to  south.  The  "goddess"  of  Gebal  was 
Baaltis,  so  often  referred  to  in  the  letters  of  Rib- 
Hadad,  who  calls  her  "the  mistress  of  Gebal."  In 
saying,  however,  that  the  name  of  the  city  meant 
"  Hidden,"  the  writer  has  been  misled  by  the  Egyptian 
mispronunciation  of  it.  It  became  Kapuna  in  the 
mouths  of  his  countrymen,  and  since  kapu  in 
Egyptian  signified  "hidden  mystery,"  he  jumped  to 
the  conclusion  that  such  was  also  the  etymology  of 
the  Phoenician  word.  In  the  "fords  of  the  land  of 
Nazana"  we  must  recognize  the  river  Litany,  which 


flows  into  the  sea  between  Sarepta  and  Tyre.  At  all 
events,  Authu  or  Usu,  the  next  city  mentioned,  is 
associated  with  Tyre  both  in  the  tablets  of  Tel  el- 
Amarna  and  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Assyrian  kings. 
It  seems  to  have  been  the  Palaetyros  or  "Older  Tyre  " 
of  classical  tradition,  which  stood  on  the  mainland 
opposite  the  more  famous  insular  Tyre.  Phoenician 
tradition  ascribes  its  foundation  to  Usoos,  the  off- 
spring of  the  mountains  of  Kasios  and  Lebanon,  and 
brother  of  Memrumus,  "the  exalted,"  and  Hysoura- 
nois,  "the  lord  of  heaven,"  who  was  the  first  to  invent 
a  clothing  of  skins,  and  to  sail  upon  the  water  in  boats, 
and  who  had  taught  mankind  to  adore  the  fire  and  the 
winds,  and  to  set  up  two  pillars  of  stone  in  honour  of 
the  deity.  From  Usu  the  Mohar  is  naturally  taken  to 
the  island  rock  of  Tyre. 

Next  comes  a  name  which  it  is  difficult  to  identify. 
All  that  is  clear  is  that  between  Zar  or  Tyre  and 
Zair'aun  there  is  some  connection  both  of  name  and 
locality.  Perhaps  Dr.  Brugsch  is  right  in  thinking 
that  in  the  next  sentence  there  is  a  play  upon  the 
Hebrew  word  zir'dh,  "hornet,"  which  seems  to  have 
the  same  root  as  Zair'aun.  It  may  be  that  Zair'aun 
is  the  ancient  city  south  of  Tyre  whose  ruins  are  now 
called  Umm  el-'Amud,  and  whose  older  name  is  said 
to  have  been  Turan.  Unfortunately  the  name  of  the 
next  place  referred  to  in  the  Mohar's  travels  is  doubt- 
ful; if  it  is  Pa-'A(y)ina,  "the  Spring,"  we  could 
identify  it  with  the  modern  Ras  el-'Ain,  "the  Head 
of  the  Spring."  This  is  on  the  road  to  Zib,  the 
ancient  Achshaph  or  Ekdippa. 

"The  mountain  of  User"  reminds  us  curiously  of 
the  tribe  of  Asher,  whose  territory  included  the  moun- 
tain-range which  rose  up  behind  the  Phoenician  coast. 


But  it  may  denote  Mount  Carmel,  whose  "crest"  faces 
the  traveller  as  he  makes  his  way  southward  from 
Tyre  and  Zib.  In  any  case  the  allusion  to  it  brings 
to  the  writer's  mind  another  mountain  in  the  same 
neighbourhood,  the  summit  of  which  similarly  towers 
into  the  sky.  This  is  "the  mountain  of  Shechem," 
either  Ebal  or  Gerizim,  each  of  which  is  nearly  3000 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  It  is  the  first  mention 
that  we  have  of  Shechem  outside  the  pages  of  the 
Old  Testament. 

Shechem,  however,  did  not  lie  in  the  path  of  the 
Mohar,  and  the  reference  to  its  mountain  is  made 
parenthetically  only.  We  are  therefore  carried  on  to 
Hazor,  which  afterwards  became  a  city  of  Naphtali, 
and  of  which  we  hear  in  the  letters  of  Tel  el-Amarna. 
From  Hazor  the  road  ran  northwards  to  Hamath,  the 
Hamah  of  to-day.  Hazor  lay  not  far  to  the  westward 
of  Adamim,  which  the  geographical  lists  of  Thothmes 
III.  place  between  the  Sea  of  Galilee  and  the  Kishon, 
and  which  is  doubtless  the  Adami  of  Naphtali  (Josh. 
xix.  33).  Here  the  tour  of  the  Mohar  comes  to  an 
abrupt  close.  After  this  the  writer  contents  himself 
with  naming  a  number  of  Syrian  cities  without  regard 
to  their  geographical  position.  He  is  anxious  merely 
to  show  off  his  knowledge  of  Canaanitish  geography ; 
perhaps  also  to  insinuate  doubts  as  to  the  extent  of 
his  correspondent's  travels. 

Takhis,  the  Thahash  of  Genesis  (xxii.  24),  was,  as 
we  have  seen,  in  the  land  of  the  Amorites,  not  very  far 
distant  from  Kadesh  on  the  Orontes.  Kafir-Marona, 
"the  village  of  Marona,"  may  have  been  in  the  same 
direction.  The  second  element  in  the  name  is  met 
with  elsewhere  in  Palestine.  Thus  one  of  Joshua's 
antagonists  was  the  king  of  Shimron-meron   (Josh. 


xii.  20),  and  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  tell  us  of  a 
town  called  Samsi-muruna.  Tamnah  was  not  an  un- 
common name.  We  hear  of  a  Tamnah  or  Timnah  in 
Judah  (Josh.  xv.  57),  and  of  another  in  Mount 
Ephraim  (Josh.  xix.  50).  Dapul  may  be  the  Tubuliya 
of  the  letters  of  Rib-Hadad,  Azai,  "the  outlet,"  seems 
to  have  been  near  a  pass,  while  Har-nammata,  "the 
mountain  of  Nammata,"  is  called  Har-nam  by  Ramses 
III.,  who  associates  it  with  Lebanoth  and  Hebron. 
The  two  next  names,  Kirjath-Anab  and  Beth-Sopher, 
are  of  peculiar  interest,  since  they  contain  the  first 
mention  that  has  come  down  to  us  of  Kirjath-Sepher, 
the  literary  centre  of  the  Canaanites  in  the  south  of 
Palestine,  which  was  captured  and  destroyed  by 
Othniel  the  Kenizzite.  In  the  Old  Testament  (Josh. 
xv.  49,  50)  Kirjath-Sannah  or  Kirjath-Sepher  and 
Anab  are  coupled  together  just  as  Kirjath-Anab  and 
Beth-Sopher  are  by  the  Egyptian  scribe,  and  it  is 
therefore  evident  that  he  has  interchanged  the  place 
of  the  equivalent  terms  Kirjath,  "city,"  and  Beth, 
"house."  But  his  spelling  of  the  second  name  shows 
us  how  it  ought  to  be  punctuated  and  read  in  the  Old 
Testament.  It  was  not  Kirjath-Sepher,  "the  city  of 
book(s),"  but  Kirjath-Sopher,  "the  city  of  scribe(s)," 
and  Dr.  W.  Max  Miiller  has  pointed  out  that  the 
determinative  of  "writing"  has  been  attached  to  the 
word  Sopher,  showing  that  the  writer  was  fully 
acquainted  with  its  meaning.  Kirjath-Sannah,  "the 
city  of  instruction,"  as  it  was  also  called,  was  but 
another  way  of  emphasizing  the  fact  that  here  was  the 
site  of  a  library  and  school  such  as  existed  in  the 
towns  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  Both  names,  how- 
ever, Kirjath-Sopher  and  Kirjath-Sannah,  were  de- 
scriptive rather  than  original ;  its  proper  designation 


seems  to  have  been  Debir,  "the  sanctuary,"  the  temple 
wherein  its  library  was  established,  and  which  has 
caused  the  Egyptian  author  to  call  it  a  "Beth,"  or 
"temple,"  instead  of  a  "Kirjath,"  or  "city." 

Like  Anab  and  Kirjath-Sopher,  Adullam  and  Zidi- 
puta  were  also  in  southern  Canaan.  It  was  in  the  cave 
of  Adullam  that  David  took  refuge  from  the  pursuit 
of  Saul,  and  we  learn  from  Shishak  that  Zidiputa — or 
Zadiputh-el,  as  he  calls  it — was  in  the  south  of  Judah. 
From  hence  we  are  suddenly  transported  to  the 
northern  part  of  Syria,  and  the  Mohar  is  asked  if  he 
knows  anything  about  Khalza  in  the  land  of  Aupa. 
Khalza  is  an  Assyrian  word  signifying  "Fortress," 
and  Aupa,  the  Ubi  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets,  was 
not  far  from  Aleppo.  The  allusion  to  the  "bull"  is 

Then  once  more  we  are  summoned  back  to  Pales- 
tine. In  the  annals  of  Thothmes  III.  we  are  told  that 
"the  brook  of  Qina  "  was  to  the  south  of  Megiddo,  so 
that  the  name  of  the  district  has  probably  survived 
in  that  of  "Cana  of  Galilee."  Rehob  may  be  Rehob 
in  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  28),  which  was  near  Kanah, 
though  the  name  is  so  common  in  Syria  as  to  make 
any  identification  uncertain.  Beth-sha-el,  on  the  con- 
trary, is  Beth-el.  We  first  meet  with  the  name  in  the 
geographical  lists  of  Thothmes  III.,  and  the  fact  that 
it  is  Babylonian  in  form,  Bit-sa-ili  being  the  Baby- 
lonian equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  Beth-el,  is  one  of 
many  proofs  that  the  lists  were  compiled  from  a  cunei- 
form original.  The  name  of  Beth-sha-el  or  Beth-el 
calls  up  that  of  Tarqa-el,  which  contains  the  name  of 
the  Hittite  god  Tarqu.  But  where  Tarqa-el  was 
situated  it  is  impossible  to  say. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  book  reference  is  made  to 


certain  places  which  lay  on  the  road  between  Egypt 
and  Canaan.  Rapih  is  the  Raphia  of  classical  geo- 
graphy, the  Rapikh  of  the  Assyrian  inscriptions, 
where  two  broken  columns  now  mark  the  boundary 
between  Egypt  and  Turkey.  Rehoburta  is  probably 
the  Rehoboth  where  the  herdsmen  of  Isaac  dug  a 
well  before  the  patriarch  moved  to  Beer-sheba  (Gen. 
xxvi.  22),  while  in  the  lake  of  Nakhai  we  may  have 
the  Sirbonian  lake  of  classical  celebrity. 

There  still  remain  two  allusions  in  the  papyrus 
which  must  not  be  passed  over  in  silence.  One  is  the 
allusion  to  "Qazairdai,  the  lord  of  Asel,"  the  famous 
slayer  of  lions.  We  know  nothing  further  about  this 
Nimrod  of  Syria,  but  Professor  Maspero  is  perhaps 
right  in  believing  that  Asel  ought  to  be  written  Alsa, 
and  that  the  country  meant  was  the  kingdom  of  Ala- 
siya,  which  lay  on  the  southern  coast  of  Cilicia. 
Several  letters  from  the  king  of  Alasiya  are  preserved 
in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  collection,  and  we  gather  from 
them  that  his  possessions  extended  across  the  Orontes 
from  the  desert  to  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  Egyptian 
papyri  tell  us  that  mares  were  imported  into  Egypt 
from  Alasiya  as  well  as  two  different  kinds  of  liquor. 
In  the  age  of  Samuel  and  Saul  Alasiya  was  governed 
by  a  queen. 

The  second  allusion  is  to  the  ironsmith  in  Canaan. 
It  is  clear  that  there  were  many  of  them,  and  that  it 
was  to  the  worker  in  iron  and  not  to  the  worker  in 
bronze  that  the  traveller  naturally  turned  when  his 
chariot  needed  mending.  Even  the  word  that  is  em- 
ployed to  denote  the  metal  is  the  Canaanitish  barzel, 
which  has  been  adopted  under  the  form  of  parzal. 
Nothing  could  show  more  plainly  how  characteristic 
of  Canaan  the  trade  of  the  ironsmith  must  have  been, 


and  how  largely  the  use  of  iron  must  have  there  super- 
seded the  use  of  bronze.  The  fact  is  in  accordance 
with  the  references  in  the  annate  of  Thothmes  III.  to 
the  iron  that  was  received  by  him  from  Syria;  it  is 
also  in  accordance  with  the  statements  of  the  Bible, 
where  we  read  of  the  "chariots  of  iron  "  in  which  the 
Canaanites  rode  to  war.  Indeed  there  seems  to  have 
been  a  special  class  of  wandering  ironsmiths  in  Pales- 
tine, like  the  wandering  ironsmiths  of  mediaeval 
Europe,  who  jealously  guarded  the  secrets  of  their 
trade,  and  formed  not  only  a  peculiar  caste,  but  even 
a  peculiar  race.  The  word  Kain  means  "a  smith," 
and  the  nomad  Kenites  of  whom  we  read  in  the  Old 
Testament  were  simply  the  nomad  race  of  "smiths," 
whose  home  was  the  tent  or  cavern.  Hence  it  was 
that  while  they  were  not  Israelites,  they  were  just  as 
little  Canaanites,  and  hence  it  was,  too,  that  the  Philis- 
tines were  able  to  deprive  the  Israelites  of  the  services 
of  a  smith  (1  Sam.  xiii.  19).  All  that  was  necessary 
was  to  prevent  the  Kenites  from  settling  within  Israel- 
itish  territory.  There  was  no  Israelite  who  knew  the 
secrets  of  the  profession  and  could  take  their  place, 
and  the  Canaanites  who  lived  under  Israelitish  pro- 
tection were  equally  ignorant  of  the  ironsmith's  art. 
Though  the  ironsmith  had  made  himself  a  home  in 
Canaan  he  never  identified  himself  with  its  inhabit- 
ants. The  Kenites  remained  a  separate  people,  and 
could  consequently  be  classed  as  such  by  the  side  of 
the  Hivites,  or  "villagers,"  and  the  Perizzites,  or 

If  the  Travels  of  a  Mohar  are  a  guide-book  to  the 
geography  of  Palestine  in  the  age  of  the  nineteenth 
Egyptian  dynasty,  the  lists  of  places  conquered  by 
Thothmes  III.,  and  engraved  by  his  orders  on  the 



walls  of  his  temple  at  Karnak,  are  a  sort  of  atlas  of 
Canaanite  geography  in  the  age  of  the  eighteenth 
dynasty.  The  name  of  each  locality  is  enclosed  in  a 
cartouche  and  surmounted  by  the  head  and  shoulders 
of  a  Canaanitish  captive.  The  hair  and  eyes  of  the 
figures  are  painted  black,  or  rather  dark  purple,  while 
the  skin  is  alternately  red  and  yellow.  The  yellow 
represents  the  olive  ""tint  of  the  Mediterranean  popula- 
tion, the  red  denotes  the  effects  of  sunburn.  An  exam- 
ination of  the  names  contained  in  the  cartouches  makes 
it  clear  that  they  have  been  derived  from  the  memor- 
anda made  by  the  scribes  who  accompanied  the  army 
of  the  Pharaoh  in  its  campaigns.  Sometimes  the 
same  name  is  repeated  twice,  and  not  always  in  the 
same  form.  We  may  conclude,  therefore,  that  the 
memoranda  had  not  always  been  made  by  the  same 
reporter,  and  that  the  compiler  of  the  lists  drew  his 
materials  from  different  sources.  It  is  further  clear 
that  the  memoranda  had  been  noted  down  in  the 
cuneiform  characters  of  Babylonia  and  not  in  the 
hieroglyphics  of  Egypt.  Thus,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
name  of  Beth-el  is  transcribed  from  its  Babylonian 
form  of  Bit-sa-ili,  the  Assyrian  equivalent  of  the 
Hebrew  Beth-el. 

The  names  have  been  copied  from  the  memoranda 
of  the  scribes  in  the  order  in  which  they  occurred,  and 
without  any  regard  to  their  relative  importance.  While, 
therefore,  insignificant  villages  are  often  noted,  the 
names  of  important  cities  are  sometimes  passed  over. 
Descriptive  epithets,  moreover,  like  abel  "meadow," 
arets  "land,"  har  "mountains,"  'emeq  "valley."  'en 
"spring,"  are  frequently  treated  as  if  they  were  local 
names,  and  occupy  separate  cartouches.  We  must 
not,  consequently,  expect  to  find  in  the  lists  any  ex- 


haustive  catalogue  of  Palestinian  towns  or  even  of 
the  leading  cities.  They  mark  only  the  lines  of  march 
taken  by  the  army  of  Thothmes  or  by  his  scouts  and 

Besides  the  Canaanitish  lists  there  are  also  long  lists 
of  localities  conquered  by  the  Pharaoh  in  Northern 
Syria.  With  these,  however,  we  have  nothing  to  do. 
It  is  to  the  places  in  Canaan  that  our  attention  must 
at  present  be  confined.  They  are  said  to  be  situated 
in  the  country  of  the  Upper  Lotan,  or,  as  another  list 
gives  it,  in  the  country  of  the  Fenkhu.  In  the  time 
of  Thothmes  III.,  accordingly,  the  land  of  the  Upper 
Lotan  and  the  land  of  the  Fenkhu  were  synonymous 
terms,  and  alike  denoted  what  we  now  call  Palestine. 
In  the  word  Fenkhu  it  is  difficult  not  to  see  the  origin 
of  the  Greek  Phcenix  or  "Phoenician." 

The  lists  begin  with  Kadesh,  on  the  Orontes,  the 
head  of  the  confederacy,  the  defeat  of  which  laid 
Canaan  at  the  feet  of  the  Pharaoh.  Then  comes 
Megiddo,  where  the  decisive  battle  took  place,  and 
the  forces  of  the  king  of  Kadesh  were  overthrown. 
Next  we  have  Khazi,  mentioned  also  in  the  Tel  el- 
Amarna  tablets,  from  which  we  learn  that  it  was  in 
the  hill-country  south  of  Megiddo.  It  may  be  the  Gaza 
of  1  Chronicles  (vii.  28),  which  was  supplanted  by 
Shechem  in  Israelitish  days.  Kitsuna,  the  Kuddasuna 
of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets,  follows :  where  it  stood 
we  do  not  know.  The  next  name,  "the  Spring  of 
Shiu,"  is  equally  impossible  to  identify.  The  sixth 
name,  however,  is  Tubikhu,  about  which  the  cunei- 
form tablets  of  Tel  el-Amarna  have  told  us  a  good 
deal,  and  which  seems  to  be  the  Tibhath  of  1  Chron- 
icles (xviii.  8).  It  was  in  Ccele-Syria,  like  Kamta,  the 
Kumidi  of  the  tablets,  which  follows  in  one  list, 
n  2 


though  its  place  is  taken  by  the  unknown  Bami  in 
another.  After  this  we  have  the  names  of  Tuthina 
(perhaps  Dothan),  Lebana,  and  Kirjath-niznau,  fol- 
lowed by  Marum  or  Merom  the  modern  Meirom,  by 
Tamasqu  or  Damascus,  by  the  Abel  of  Atar,  and  by 
Hamath.  Aqidu,  the  seventeenth  name,  is  unknown, 
but  Mr.  Tomkins  is  probably  right  in  thinking  that 
the  next  name,  that  of  Shemnau,  must  be  identified 
with  the  Shimron  of  Joshua  (xix.  15),  where  the  Sep- 
tuagint  reads  Symeon.  That  this  reading  is  correct  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  in  the  days  of  Josephus  and 
the  Talmud  the  place  was  called  Simonias,  while  the 
modern  name  is  Semunieh.  The  tablets  of  Tel  el- 
Amarna  make  it  Samkhuna. 

Six  unknown  names  come  next,  the  first  of  which 
is  a  Beeroth,  or  "Wells."  Then  we  have  Mesekh, 
"the  place  of  unction,"  called  Musikhuna  in  the  Tel 
el-Amarna  correspondence,  Qana  and  'Arna.  Both 
Qana  and  'Arna  appear  in  the  account  of  the  battle 
before  Megiddo,  and  must  have  been  in  the  imme- 
diate neighbourhood  of  that  city.  One  of  the  affluents 
of  the  Kishon  flowed  past  Qana,  while  'Arna  was 
hidden  in  a  defile.  It  was  there  that  the  tent  of 
Thothmes  was  pitched  two  days  before  the  great 
battle.  The  brook  of  Qana  seems  to  have  been  the 
river  Qanah  of  to-day,  and  'Arna  may  be  read  'Aluna. 

We  are  now  transported  to  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Jordan,  to  'Astartu  in  the  land  of  Bashan,  the  Ash- 
taroth-Karnaim  of  Genesis,  the  Tel  'Ashtarah  of 
modern  geography.  With  'Astartu  is  coupled  Anau- 
repa,  explained  by  Mr.  Tomkins  to  be  "On  of  the 
Rephaim  "  (Gen.  xiv.  5).  At  any  rate  it  is  clearly  the 
Raphon  or  Raphana  of  classical  writers,  the  Er-Rafeh 
of  to-day.     Next  we  have  Maqata,  called  Makhed  in 


the   First    Book  of   Maccabees,   and    now   known   as 
Mukatta;    Lus   or    Lius,    the    Biblical    Laish,    which 
under  its  later  name  of  Dan  became  the  northern  limit 
of  the  Israelitish  kingdom;  and  Hazor,   the  strong- 
hold of  Jabin,  whose  king  we  hear  of  in  the  Tel  el- 
Amarna  tablets.     Then  come  Pahil  or  Pella,  east  of 
the  Jordan,  famous  in  the  annals  of  early  Christianity ; 
Kennartu,  the  Chinneroth  of  the  Old  Testament  (Josh. 
xi.  2,  1  Kings  xv.  20),  from  which  the  Sea  of  Galilee 
took  one  of  its  names;  Shemna,  the  site  of  which  is 
uncertain ;  and  Atmam,  the  Adami  of  Joshua  (xix.  33). 
These  are  followed  by  Qasuna,  in  which  we  find  the 
Kishion    of    Issachar    (Josh.    xix.    20) ;    Shanam    or 
Shunem,  now  Solam,  north  of  Jezreel ;  Mash-al,  the 
Misheal  of  Scripture;  and  Aksap  or  Ekdippa  on  the 
Phoenician  coast.     Then,  after  a  name  which  cannot  be 
identified,  we  read  those  of  Ta'anak,  the  Ta'anach  of 
the  Bible,  the  Ta'anuk  of  to-day ;  Ible'am,  near  which 
Ahaziah  of  Judah  was  slain  by  the  servants  of  Jehu; 
Gantu-Asna,    "the   garden    of   Asnah " ;    Lot-melech, 
"Lot  of  the  king";  'Aina,  "the  Spring";  and  'Aak, 
or  Acre.     From  Acre  we  are  taken  along  the  coast 
southward  to  Rosh  Kadesh,   "the  sacred  headland" 
of  Carmel,  whose  name  follows  immediately  under  the 
form  of  Karimna.     Next  we  have  Beer,  "the  Well," 
Shemesh-Atum,   and  Anakhertu.     Anakhertu   is  the 
Anaharath  of  Joshua  (xix.  19),  which  belonged  to  the 
tribe  of  Issachar. 

Of  Shemesh-Atum  we  hear  again  in  one  of  the 
inscriptions  of  Amenophis  III.  A  revolt  had  broken 
out  in  the  district  of  the  Lebanon,  and  the  king  accord- 
ingly marched  into  Canaan  to  suppress  it.  Shemesh- 
Atum  was  the  first  city  to  feel  the  effects  of  his  anger, 
and  he  carried  away  from  it  eighteen  prisoners  and 


thirteen  oxen.  The  name  of  the  town  shows  that  it 
was  dedicated  to  the  Sun-god.  In  Hebrew  it  would 
appear  as  Shemesh-Edom,  and  an  Egyptian  papyrus, 
now  at  Ley  den,  informs  us  that  Atum  or  Edom  was 
the  wife  of  Resheph  the  Canaanitish  god  of  fire  and 
lightning.  In  Shemesh-Atum  or  Shemesh-Edom  we 
therefore  have  a  compound  name  signifying  that  the 
Shemesh  or  Sun-god  denoted  by  it  was  not  the  male 
divinity  of  the  customary  worship,  but  the  Sun-goddess 
Edom.  In  Israelitish  times  the  second  element  in  the 
compound  seems  to  have  been  dropped;  at  all  events 
it  is  probable  that  Shemesh-Atum  was  the  Beth- 
Shemesh  of  the  Old  Testament  (Josh.  xix.  22),  which 
is  mentioned  along  with  Anaharath  as  in  the  borders 
of  Issachar. 

After  Anaharath  come  two  unknown  Ophrahs;  then 
Khasbu  and  Tasult,  called  Khasabu  and  Tusulti  in 
the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters;  then  Negebu,  perhaps  the 
Nekeb  of  Galilee  (Josh.  xix.  33),  Ashushkhen,  Anam, 
and  Yurza.  Yurza  is  now  represented  by  the  ruins  of 
Yerza,  south-eastward  of  Ta'anach,  and  there  are 
letters  from  its  governor  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  col- 
lection. Its  name  is  followed  by  those  of  Makhsa, 
Yapu  or  Joppa,  and  "the  country  of  Gantu  "  or  Gath. 
Next  we  have  Luthen  or  Ruthen,  which  is  possibly 
Lydda,  Ono,  Apuqen,  Suka  or  Socho,  and  Yahem. 
Among  the  cartouches  that  follow  we  read  the  names 
of  a  Migdol,  of  Shebtuna,  the  modern  Shebtin,  of 
Naun  which  reminds  us  of  the  name  of  Joshua's  father, 
and  of  Haditha,  now  Haditheh,  five  miles  to  the  west 
of  Shebtin. 

The  list  has  thus  led  us  to  the  foot  of  Mount 
Ephraim,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  next  name 
should  be  that  of  the  Har  or  "Mountain  "  itself.    This 


is  followed  by  a  name  which  is  full  of  interest,  for  it 
reads  Joseph-el  or  "Joseph-god."  How  the  name  of 
Joseph  came  to  be  attached  in  the  time  of  Thothmes 
to  the  mountainous  region  in  which  "the  House  of 
Joseph  "  afterwards  established  itself  is  hard  to  ex- 
plain ;  we  must  remember,  however,  as  has  been  stated 
in  a  former  chapter,  that  according  to  the  Chronicler 
(1  Chron.  vii.  21,  22),  already  in  the  lifetime  of 
Ephraim  his  sons  were  slain  by  the  men  of  Gath, 
"because  they  came  down  to  take  away  their  cattle."1 
Three  names  further  on  we  find  another  compound 
with  el,  Har-el,  "the  mount  of  God."  In  Ezek.  xliii. 
15  Har-el  is  used  to  denote  the  "altar"  which  should 
stand  in  the  temple  on  Mount  Moriah,  and  Mount 
Moriah  is  itself  called  "the  Mount  of  the  Lord"  in 
the  Book  of  Genesis  (xxii.  14).  It  may  be,  therefore, 
that  in  the  Har-el  of  the  Egyptian  list  we  have  the 
name  of  the  mountain  whereon  the  temple  of  Solomon 
was  afterwards  to  be  built.  However  this  may  be,  the 
names  which  follow  it  show  that  we  are  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Jerusalem.  One  after  the  other  come 
Lebau,  Na'mana  or  Na'amah  (Josh.  xv.  41),  Meromim 
"the  heights,"  'Ani  "the  two  springs,"  Rehob,  Ekron, 
Hekalim  "the  palaces,"  the  Abel  or  "meadow"  of 
Autar'a,  the  Abel,  the  Gantau  or  "gardens,"  the 
Maqerput  or  "tilled  ground,"  and  the  'Aina  or 
"Spring"  of  Carmel,  which  corresponds  with  the 
Gath-Carmel  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets,  the  Carmel 
of  Judah  of  the  Old  Testament.    Then  we  have  Beth- 

1  Dr.  Pinches  was  the  first  to  discover  in  early  Babylonian 
contracts  of  the  age  of  Amraphel  the  name  of  Yasupu-ilu  or  Joseph- 
el,  as  well  as  that  of  Yakub-ilu  or  Jacob-el  and  Yakub.  The 
discovery  is  of  high  importance  when  we  remember  that  Abraham 
migrated  from  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  and  adds  another  to  the  many 
debts  of  gratitude  due  to  Dr.  Pinches  from  Biblical  students. 


Ya,  a  name  which  reminds  us  of  that  of  "Bithia,  the 
daughter  of  Pharaoh,"  whom  Mered,  the  descendant 
of  Caleb,  took  to  wife,  and  whose  stepson  was  Yered, 
"the  father  of  Gedor "  (i  Chron.  iv.  18).  Beth-Ya 
is  followed  by  Tapun,  which  was  fortified  by  the 
Greeks  after  the  death  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  (i  Mace, 
ix.  50),  by  the  Abel  of  Yertu  or  Yered,  perhaps 
the  district  of  the  Jordan,  by  Halkal,  and  by  Jacob-el, 
a  name  formed  in  the  same  way  as  that  of  Joseph-el. 
We  may  see  in  it  an  evidence  that  the  memory  of 
the  patriarch  was  kept  alive  in  the  south  of  Palestine. 
The  next  two  names  are  unknown,  but  they  are  fol- 
lowed by  Rabatu  or  Rabbah  of  Judah,  Magharatu,  the 
Ma'arath  of  Joshua  (xv.  59),  'Emequ,  "the  valley  "  of 
Hebron,  Sirta  and  Bartu,  the  Bor  has-Sirah,  or  "Well 
of  Sirah  "  of  2  Samuel  (iii.  26).  Then  come  Beth-sa-el 
or  Beth-el  in  its  Babylonian  dress;  Beth-Anta  or  Beth- 
Anath  (Josh.  xv.  59),  where  the  Babylonian  goddess 
Anatu  was  worshipped;  Helkath  (2  Sam.  ii.  16);  the 
Spring  of  Qan'am;  Gibeah  of  Judah  (2  Sam.  vi. 
3,  4;  see  Josh,  xviii.  28);  Zelah  (Josh,  xviii.  28),  called 
Zilu  by  Ebed-Kheba  of  Jerusalem;  and  Zafta,  the 
Biblical  Zephath  (Judges  i.  17).  The  last  three  names 
in  the  catalogue — Barqna,  Hum,  and  Aktomes — have 
left  no  traces  in  Scriptural  or  classical  geography. 

The  geographical  lists  of  Thothmes  III.  served  as  a 
model  for  the  Pharaohs  who  came  after  him.  They 
also  adorned  the  walls  of  their  temples  with  the  names 
of  the  places  they  had  captured  in  Palestine,  in 
Northern  Syria,  and  in  the  Soudan,  and  when  a  large 
space  had  to  be  filled  the  sculptor  was  not  careful  to 
insert  in  it  only  the  names  of  such  foreign  towns  as 
had  been  actually  conquered.  The  older  lists  were 
drawn  upon,  and  the  names  which  had  appeared  in 


them  were  appropriated  by  the  later  king,  sometimes 
in  grotesquely  misspelt  forms.  The  climax  of  such 
empty  claims  to  conquests  which  had  never  been  made 
was  reached  at  Kom  Ombo,  where  Ptolemy  Lathyrus, 
a  prince  who,  instead  of  gaining  fresh  territory,  lost 
what  he  had  inherited,  is  credited  with  the  subjugation 
of  numerous  nations  and  races,  many  of  whom,  like 
the  Hittites,  had  long  before  vanished  from  the  page 
of  history.  The  last  of  the  Pharaohs  whose  geo- 
graphical list  really  represents  his  successes  in  Pales- 
tine was  Shishak,  the  opponent  of  Rehoboam  and  the 
founder  of  the  twenty-second  dynasty.  The  catalogue 
of  places  engraved  on  the  wall  of  the  shrine  he  built 
at  Karnak  is  a  genuine  and  authentic  record. 

So,  too,  are  the  lists  given  by  the  kings  who  imme- 
diately followed  Thothmes  III.,  Amenophis  III.  of 
the  eighteenth  dynasty,  Seti  I.  and  Ramses  II.  of  the 
nineteenth,  and  Ramses  III.  of  the  twentieth.  It  is 
true  that  in  some  cases  the  list  of  one  Pharaoh  has 
been  slavishly  copied  by  another,  but  it  is  also  true 
that  these  Pharaohs  actually  overran  and  subjugated 
the  countries  to  which  the  lists  belong.  Of  this  we 
have  independent  testimony. 

At  one  time  it  was  the  fashion  to  throw  doubt  on 
the  alleged  conquests  of  Ramses  II.  in  Western  Asia. 
This  was  the  natural  reaction  from  the  older  belief, 
inherited  from  the  Greek  writers  of  antiquity,  that 
Ramses  II.  was  a  universal  conqueror  who  had  carried 
his  arms  into  Europe,  and  even  to  the  confines  of  the 
Caucasus.  With  the  overthrow  of  this  belief  came  a 
disbelief  in  his  having  been  a  conqueror  at  all.  The 
disbelief  was  encouraged  by  the  boastful  vanity  of  his 
inscriptions,  as  well  as  by  the  absence  in  them  of  any 
details  as  to  his  later  Syrian  wars. 


But  we  now  know  that  such  scepticism  was  over- 
hasty.  It  was  like  the  scepticism  which  refused  to 
admit  that  Canaan  had  been  made  an  Egyptian  pro- 
vince by  Thothmes  III.,  and  which  needed  the  testi- 
mony of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  before  it  could  be 
removed.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Egyptian  authority  was 
re-established  throughout  Palestine  and  even  on  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  Jordan  during  the  reign  of 
Ramses  II.,  and  the  conquests  of  the  Pharaoh  in 
Northern  Syria  were  real  and  not  imaginary.  Such 
has  been  the  result  of  the  discoveries  of  the  last  three 
or  four  years. 

We  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  campaigns  of 
Ramses  III.  in  Asia  were  equally  historical.  The 
great  confederacy  of  northern  barbarians  and  Asiatic 
invaders  which  had  poured  down  upon  Egypt  had 
been  utterly  annihilated;  the  Egyptian  army  was 
flushed  with  victory,  and  Syria,  overrun  as  it  had  been 
by  the  invaders  from  the  north,  was  in  no  position  to 
resist  a  fresh  attack.  Moreover,  the  safety  of  Egypt 
required  that  Ramses  should  follow  up  the  destruction 
of  his  assailants  by  carrying  the  war  into  Asia.  But 
it  is  noticeable  that  the  places  he  claims  to  have  con- 
quered, whether  in  Canaan  or  further  north,  lay  along 
the  lines  of  two  high-roads,  and  that  the  names  of  the 
great  towns  even  on  these  high-roads  are  for  the  most 
part  conspicuously  absent.  The  names,  however,  are 
practically  those  already  enumerated  by  Ramses  II., 
and  they  occur  in  the  same  order.  But  the  list  given 
by  Ramses  III.  could  not  have  been  copied  from  the 
older  list  of  Ramses  II.  for  a  very  sufficient  reason. 
In  some  instances  the  names  as  given  by  the  earlier 
monarch  are  misspelt,  letters  having  been  omitted  in 
them  or  wrong  letters  having  been  written  in  place  of 


the  right  ones,  while  in  the  list  of  Ramses  III.  the 
same  names  are  correctly  written. 

Seti  I.,  the  father  of  Ramses  II.,  seems  to  have  been 
too  fully  engaged  in  his  wars  in  Northern  Syria,  and 
in  securing  the  road  along  the  coast  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, to  attempt  the  re-conquest  of  Palestine.  At 
Ournah,  however,  we  find  the  names  of  'Aka,  or  Acre, 
Zamith,  Pella,  Beth-el  (Beth-sha-il),  Inuam,  Kimham 
(Jer.  xli.  17),  Kamdu,  Tyre,  Usu,  Beth-Anath,  and 
Carmel  among  those  of  the  cities  he  had  vanquished, 
but  there  is  no  trace  of  any  occupation  of  Southern 
Canaan.  That  seems  to  have  come  later  with  the 
beginning  of  his  son's  reign. 

On  the  walls  of  the  Ramesseum  at  Thebes  there  are 
pictures  of  the  storming  and  capture  of  the  Palestinian 
cities.  Most  of  them  are  now  destroyed,  but  we  can 
still  read  the  names  of  Askhelon,  of  Salem,  or  Jeru- 
salem, of  Beth-Anath  and  Qarbu[tu],  of  Dapul  in  the 
land  of  the  Amorites,  of  Merom,  of  Damascus,  and  of 
Inuam.  Elsewhere  we  have  mention  of  Yurza  and 
Socho,  while  at  Karnak  there  are  two  geographical 
lists  which  mark  two  of  the  lines  of  march  taken  by 
the  troops  of  Ramses  II.  The  first  list  contains  the 
following  names:  (1)  the  district  of  Salem;  (2)  the 
district  of  Rethpana;  (3)  the  country  of  the  Jordan; 
(4)  Khilz  ;  (5)  Karhu  ;  (6)  Uru  ;  (7)  Abel ;  (8)  Carmel  ; 
(9)  the  upper  district  of  Tabara  or  Debir;  (10)  Shim- 
shon;  and  (11)  Erez  Hadashta,  "the  new  land."  In 
the  second  list  we  read:  (1)  Rosh  Kadesh,  or  Mount 
Carmel;  (2)  Inzat;  (3)  Maghar;  (4)  Rehuza;  (5) 
Saabata;  (6)  Gaza;  (7)  the  district  of  Sala' ;  (8)  the 
district  of  Zasr;  (9)  Jacob-el;  and  (10)  the  land  of 
Akrith,  the  Ugarit  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets. 

We  have  already  seen  that  long  before  the  time 


of  Ramses  II.  Jerusalem  was  an  important  city  and 
fortress,  the  capital  of  a  territory  of  some  size,  known 
by  the  name  of  Uru-Salim,  "the  city  of  the  god  of 
salvation."  "The  city  of  Salem"  could  easily  be 
abbreviated  into  "Salem"  only;  and  it  is  accordingly 
Salem  which  alone  is  used  in  the  fourteenth  chapter 
of  Genesis  as  well  as  in  the  inscriptions  of  Ramses  II. 
and  Ramses  III.  The  name  of  Rethpana,  which 
follows  that  of  Salem,  is  faultily  written  in  the  list  of 
Ramses  II.,  and  it  is  from  that  of  Ramses  III.  that 
we  have  to  recover  its  true  form.  Ramses  III.,  more- 
over, tells  us  that  Rethpana  was  a  lake,  and  since  its 
name  comes  between  those  of  Jerusalem  and  the 
Jordan  it  must  represent  the  Dead  Sea.  The  Canaan- 
ite  form  of  Rethpana  would  be  Reshpon,  a  derivative 
from  the  name  of  Resheph,  the  god  of  fire  and  light- 
ning, whose  name  is  preserved  in  that  of  the  town 
Arstif,  and  whose  "children"  were  the  sparks  (Job. 
v.  7).  The  name  was  appropriate  to  a  region  which 
was  believed  to  have  been  smitten  with  a  tempest  of 
flames,  and  of  which  we  are  told  that  "the  Lord  rained 
upon  Sodom  and  upon  Gomorrah  brimstone  and  fire." 
Khilz,  the  fourth  name  in  the  list,  is  probably  the 
Babylonian  Khalsu,  or  "fortress."  At  all  events  it 
was  the  first  town  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Jordan, 
and  it  may  well  therefore  have  guarded  the  ford  across 
the  river.  Karhu  is  the  Korkha  of  the  Moabite  Stone, 
perhaps  the  modern  Kerak,  which  was  the  capital  of 
Moab  in  the  age  of  Ahab,  and  Uru  is  the  Babylonian 
form  of  the  Moabite  Ar,  or  "city,"  of  which  we  read 
in  the  Book  of  Numbers  (xxi.  28).  The  land  of 
"  Moab  "  itself  is  one  of  the  countries  which  Ramses 
claims  to  have  subdued.  The  Carmel  mentioned  in 
the  list  is  Carmel  of  Judah,   not  the  more  famous 


Carmel  on  the  coast.  As  for  Tabara  or  Debir,  it  will 
be  that  ancient  seat  of  Canaanite  learning  and  litera- 
ture, called  Kirjath-Sepher  and  Debir  in  the  Old 
Testament,  the  site  of  which  is  unfortunately  still  un- 
known. It  must  have  lain,  however,  between  Carmel 
and  Shimshon,  "the  city  of  the  Sun-god,"  with  which 
it  is  probable  that  the  Biblical  Ir-Shemesh  should  be 
identified  (Josh.  xix.  41).  Erez  Hadashta,  "the  New 
Land,"  is  called  Hadashah  in  the  Book  of  Joshua 
(xv.  37),  where  it  is  included  among  the  possessions 
of  Judah. 

The  second  list,  instead  of  taking  us  through  Judah 
and  Moab,  leads  us  southward  along  the  coast  from 
Mount  Carmel.  Maghar  is  termed  by  Ramses  III. 
"the  spring  of  the  Maghar,"  and  is  the  Magoras  or 
river  of  Beyrout  of  classical  geography.  The  river 
took  its  name  from  the  maghdrat  or  "caves"  past 
which  it  runs,  and  of  which  we  have  already  heard 
in  the  Travels  of  a  Mohar.  The  two  next  names  which 
represent  places  on  the  coast  to  the  north  of  Gaza  are 
quite  unknown,  but  Sala',  which  is  written  Selakh  by 
Ramses  III.  (from  a  cuneiform  original),  is  possibly 
the  rock-city  Sela  (2  Kings  xiv.  7),  better  known  to 
us  as  Petra.  Of  Jacob-el  we  have  already  had  occasion 
to  speak. 

It  is  in  the  ruined  temple  of  Medinet  Habu  that 
Ramses  III.  has  recorded  his  victories  and  inscribed 
the  names  of  the  peoples  and  cities  he  had  overcome. 
We  gather  from  the  latter  that  his  armies  had  followed 
the  roads  already  traversed  by  Ramses  II.,  had 
marched  through  the  south  of  Palestine  into  Moab, 
and  had  made  their  way  along  the  seacoast  into 
Northern  Syria.  One  after  the  other  we  read  the 
names  of  Hir-nam  or  Har-nam,  called  Har-Nammata 


in  the  Mohar's  Travels,  of  Lebanoth,  of  Beth-Anath 
and  Qarbutu  (Josh.  xv.  59),  of  Carmin,  "the  vine- 
yards," and  Shabuduna  or  Shebtin,  of  Mashabir  ( ?), 
of  Hebron  and  its  '£n  or  "Spring,"  of  the  "district  of 
Libnah,"  of  'Aphekah  and  'Abakhi  (Josh.  xv.  53),  of 
Migdal — doubtless  the  Migdal-Gad  of  Joshua  (xv.  53) 
— and  Qarzak,  of  Carmel  of  Judah  and  the  Upper  Dis- 
trict of  Debir,  of  Shimshon  and  Erez  Hadasth,  of  the 
district  of  Salem  or  Jerusalem  and  the  "Lake  of  Reth- 
pana,"  of  the  Jordan,  of  Khilz  the  fortress,  of  Korkha 
and  of  Uru.  A  second  list  gives  us  the  line  of  march  along 
the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  First  we  have 
'Akata,  perhaps  Joktheel  in  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  38),  then 
Karka  and  [Zidijputh,  Abel  and  the  district  of  Sela', 
the  district  of  Zasr  and  Jacob-el,  Rehuza,  Saaba  and 
Gaza,  Rosh-Kadesh,  Inzath  and  the  "Spring,"  Lui-el, 
which  we  might  also  read  Levi-el,  Bur,  "the  Cistern," 
Kamdu,  "Qubur  the  great,"  Iha,  Tur,  and  finally 
Sannur,  the  Saniru  of  the  Assyrian  texts,  the  Shenir 
of  the  Old  Testament  (Deut.  iii.  9).  This  brings  us  to 
Mount  Hermon  and  the  land  of  the  Amorites,  so  that 
it  is  not  surprising  to  find  after  two  more  names  that 
of  Hamath. 

One  point  about  this  list  is  very  noticeable.  None 
of  the  great  Phoenician  cities  of  the  coast  are  men- 
tioned in  it.  Acre,  Ekdippa,  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Bey- 
rout  are  all  conspicuous  by  their  absence.  Even  Joppa 
is  unnamed.  After  Gaza  we  have  only  descriptive 
epithets  like  "the  Spring"  and  "the  Cistern,"  or  the 
names  of  otherwise  unknown  villages.  With  Kamdu 
in  Ccele-Syria  the  catalogue  of  cities  begins  afresh. 

It  is  plain  that  the  northern  campaign  of  the 
Pharaoh  was  little  better  than  a  raid.  No  attempt  was 
made  to  capture  the  cities  of  the  coast,  and  re-establish 

Egyptian  travellers  in  canaan    20? 

in  them  the  Egyptian  power.  The  Egyptian  army 
passed  them  by  without  any  effort  to  reduce  them. 
Possibly  the  Philistines  had  already  settled  on  the 
coast,  and  had  shown  themselves  too  strong  to  be 
meddled  with ;  possibly  the  Egyptian  fleet  was  acting 
in  concert  with  the  troops  on  land,  and  Ramses  cared 
only  to  lead  his  forces  to  some  spot  on  the  north 
Syrian  coast,  from  whence,  if  necessary,  the  ships 
could  convey  them  home.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  reason,  the  fact  remains  that  Gaza  alone  of  the 
cities  of  the  Canaanitish  coast  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Pharaoh.  It  was  only  in  the  extreme  south,  in 
what  was  so  soon  afterwards  to  become  the  territory 
of  Judah,  that  he  overran  the  country  and  occupied 
the  large  towns. 

With  the  lists  of  Ramses  III.  our  knowledge  of  the 
geography  of  Patriarchal  Palestine  is  brought  to  a 
close.  Henceforward  we  have  to  do  with  the  Canaan 
of  Israelitish  conquest  and  settlement.  The  records 
of  the  Old  Testament  contain  a  far  richer  store  of 
geographical  names  than  we  can  ever  hope  to  glean 
from  the  monuments  of  Egypt.  But  the  latter  show 
how  little  change,  after  all,  was  effected  by  the  Israel- 
itish conquest  in  the  local  nomenclature  of  the  country. 
A  few  cities  disappeared  like  Kirjath-Sepher,  but  on 
the  whole  not  only  the  cities,  but  even  the  villages,  of 
pre-Israelitish  Canaan  survived  under  their  old  names. 
When  we  compare  the  names  of  the  towns  and  villages 
of  Judah  enumerated  in  the  Book  of  Joshua  with  the 
geographical  lists  of  a  Thothmes  or  a  Ramses,  we 
cannot  but  be  struck  by  the  coincidences  between 
them.  The  occurrence  of  a  name  like  Hadashah, 
"the  New  (Land),"  in  both  cannot  be  the  result  of 
chance.     It  adds  one  more  to  the  many  arguments  in 


favour  of  the  antiquity  of  the  Book  of  Joshua,  or  at 
all  events  of  the  materials  of  which  it  consists.  Geo- 
graphy, at  all  events,  gives  no  countenance  to  the 
theory  which  sees  in  the  book  a  fabrication  of  later 
date.  Even  the  leading  cities  of  the  Israelitish  period 
are  for  the  most  part  already  the  leading  cities  of  the 
earlier  Palestine.  The  future  capital  of  David,  for 
example,  was  already  called  Jerusalem  long  before 
the  birth  of  Moses,  and  already  occupied  a  foremost 
place  among  the  kingdoms  of  Canaan. 



We  have  already  learned  from  the  annals  of 
Thothmes  III.  how  high  was  the  state  of  civilization 
and  culture  among  the  merchant  princes  of  Canaan  in 
the  age  of  the  eighteenth  Egyptian  dynasty.  Artistic- 
ally finished  vases  of  gold  and  silver,  rich  bronzes, 
furniture  carved  out  of  ebony  and  cedar,  and  inlaid 
with  ivory  and  precious  stones — such  were  some  of 
the  manufactures  of  the  land  of  Palestine.  Iron  was 
excavated  from  its  hills  and  wrought  into  armour, 
into  chariots,  and  into  weapons  of  war ;  while  beauti- 
fully shaped  vessels  of  variegated  glass  were  manu- 
factured on  the  coast.  The  amber  beads  found  at 
Lachish  point  to  a  trade  with  the  distant  Baltic,  and 
it  is  possible  that  there  may  be  truth,  after  all,  in  the 
old  belief  that  the  Phoenicians  obtained  their  tin  from 
the  isles  of  Britain.  The  mines  of  Cyprus,  indeed, 
yielded  abundance  of  copper,  but,  so  far  as  we  know, 
there  were  only  two  parts  of  the  world  from  which 
the  nations  of  Western  Asia  and  the  Eastern  Mediter- 
ranean could  have  procured  the  vast  amount  of  tin 
needed  in  the  Bronze  Age — the  Malayan  Peninsula 
and  Cornwall.  The  Malayan  Peninsula  is  out  of  the 
question — there  are  no  traces  of  any  commercial  inter- 
course so  far  to  the  East ;  and  it  would  seem,  therefore, 
that  we  must  look  to  Cornwall  for  the  source  of  the 
o  209 


tin.  If  so  the  trade  would  probably  have  been  over- 
land, like  the  amber  trade  from  the  Baltic. 

Canaan  was  marked  out  by  nature  to  be  a  land  of 
merchants.  Its  long  line  of  coast  fronted  the  semi- 
barbarous  populations  of  Asia  Minor,  of  the  ^gean, 
and  of  the  northern  shores  of  Africa,  while  the  sea 
furnished  it  with  the  purple  dye  of  the  murex.  The 
country  itself  formed  the  high-road  and  link  between 
the  great  kingdoms  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Nile. 
It  was  here  that  the  two  civilizations  of  Babylonia  and 
Egypt  met  and  coalesced,  and  it  was  inevitable  that 
the  Canaanites,  who  possessed  all  the  energy  and 
adaptive  quickness  of  a  commercial  race,  should 
absorb  and  combine  the  elements  of  both.  There  was 
little  except  this  combination  that  was  original  in 
Canaanitish  art,  but  when  once  the  materials  were 
given,  the  people  of  Palestine  knew  how  to  work  them 
up  into  new  and  graceful  forms,  and  adapt  them 
practically  to  the  needs  of  the  foreign  world. 

If  we  would  realize  the  change  brought  about  by 
this  contact  of  Canaan  with  the  culture  of  the  stranger, 
we  must  turn  to  the  rude  figures  carved  upon  the  rocks 
in  some  of  the  valleys  of  Phoenicia.  Near  Tyre,  for 
example,  in  the  Wadi  el-Qana  we  may  still  see  some 
of  these  primitive  sculptures,  in  which  it  is  difficult 
even  to  recognize  the  human  form.  Equally  barbar- 
ous in  style  are  the  early  seals  and  cylinders  made  in 
imitation  of  those  of  Babylonia.  It  seems  at  first  sight 
impossible  to  believe  that  such  grotesque  and  child- 
like beginnings  should  have  ended  in  the  exquisite 
art  of  the  age  of  Thothmes  III. 

At  that  period,  however,  Canaan  already  had  behind 
it  a  long  civilized  past.  The  country  was  filled  with 
schools  and  libraries,  with  richly-furnished  palaces, 


and  the  workshops  of  the  artisans.  The  cities  on  the 
coast  had  their  fleets  partly  of  merchantmen,  partly  of 
warships,  and  an  active  trade  was  carried  on  with  all 
parts  of  the  known  world.  The  result  was  that  the 
wealth  of  Palestine  was  enormous ;  the  amount  carried 
away  by  Thothmes  is  alone  sufficient  to  prove  it. 
Apart  from  the  natural  productions  of  the  country — 
corn,  wine,  and  oil,  or  the  slaves  which  it  had  to 
furnish — immense  quantities  of  gold,  silver,  and 
precious  stones,  sometimes  in  their  native  state,  some- 
times manufactured  into  artistic  forms,  were  trans- 
ported into  Egypt.  And  in  spite  of  this  drain  upon 
its  resources,  the  supply  seems  never  to  have  failed. 

The  reciprocal  influence  of  the  civilizations  of 
Canaan  and  Egypt  one  upon  the  other,  in  the  days 
when  Canaan  was  an  Egyptian  province,  is  reflected 
in  the  languages  of  the  two  countries.  On  the  one 
hand  the  Canaanite  borrowed  from  Egypt  words  like 
tebah  "ark,"  hin  "a  measure,"  and  ebyon  "poor," 
while  Canaan  in  return  copiously  enriched  the  vocabu- 
lary of  its  conquerors.  As  the  Travels  of  a  Mohar 
have  shown  us,  under  the  nineteenth  dynasty  there 
was  a  mania  for  using  Canaanitish  words  and  phrases, 
similar  to  that  which  has  more  than  once  visited  Eng- 
lish society  in  respect  to  French.  But  before  the  rise 
of  the  nineteenth  dynasty  the  Egyptian  lexicon  was 
already  full  of  Semitic  words.  Frequently  they  de- 
noted objects  which  had  been  imported  from  Syria. 
Thus  a  "chariot  "  was  called  a  merkabut,  a  "waggon  " 
being  agolta;  hurpu,  "a  sword,"  was  the  Cananitish 
khereb,  just  as  aspata,  "a  quiver,"  was  ashpdh.  The 
Canaanitish  kinnor,  "a  lyre,"  was  similarly  natural- 
ized in  Egypt,  like  the  names  of  certain  varieties  of 
"Syrian  bread."  The  Egyptian  words  for  "incense" 
o  2 


(qadamta),  "oxen"  (abiri),  and  "sea"  (yum)  were 
taken  from  the  same  source,  though  it  is  possible  that 
the  last-mentioned  word,  like  qamhu,  "wheat,"  had 
been  introduced  from  Syria  in  the  earliest  days  of 
Egyptian  history.  As  might  have  been  expected, 
several  kinds  of  sea-going  vessels  brought  with  them 
their  native  names  from  the  Phoenician  coast. 
Already  in  the  time  of  the  thirteenth  dynasty  the 
larger  ships  were  termed  Kabanitu,  or  "Gebalite"  we 
read  also  of  "boats  "  called  Za,  the  Canaanite  7A,  while 
a  transport  was  entitled  qauil,  the  Phoenician  gol. 
The  same  name  was  imported  into  Greek  under  the 
form  of  gaulos,  and  we  are  told  that  it  signified  "a 
Phoenician  vessel  of  rounded  shape." 

The  language  of  Canaan  was  practically  that  which 
we  call  Hebrew.  Indeed  Isaiah  (xix.  18)  speaks  of  the 
two  dialects  as  identical,  and  the  so-called  Phoenician 
inscriptions  that  have  been  preserved  to  us  show  that 
the  differences  between  them  were  hardly  appreciable. 
There  were  differences,  however;  the  Hebrew  definite 
article,  for  instance,  is  not  found  in  the  Phoenician 
texts.  But  the  differences  are  dialectical  only,  like  the 
differences  which  the  discovery  of  the  Moabite  Stone 
has  shown  to  have  existed  between  the  languages  of 
Moab  and  Israel. 

How  the  Israelites  came  to  adopt  "the  language  of 
Canaan "  is  a  question  into  which  we  cannot  here 
enter.  There  have  been  other  examples  of  conquerors 
who  have  abandoned  the  language  of  their  forefathers 
and  adopted  that  of  the  conquered  people.  And  it 
must  be  remembered,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  an- 
cestors of  Israel  had  lived  in  Canaan,  where  they 
would  have  learnt  the  language  of  the  country,  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  their  original  tongue  was  itself 


a  Semitic  form  of  speech,  as  closely  related  to  Hebrew 
as  French  or  Spanish  is  to  Italian. 

The  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  have  told  us  something 
about  the  language  of  Canaan  as  it  was  spoken  before 
the  days  when  the  Israelites  entered  the  land.  Some 
of  the  letters  that  were  sent  from  Palestine  contain 
the  Canaanite  equivalents  of  certain  Babylonian  words 
that  occur  in  them.  Like  the  Babylonian  words,  they 
are  written  in  cuneiform  characters,  and  since  these 
denote  syllables  and  not  mere  letters  we  know  exactly 
how  the  words  were  pronounced.  It  is  an  advantage 
which  is  denied  us  by  the  Phoenician  alphabet, 
whether  in  the  inscriptions  of  Phoenicia  or  in  the 
pages  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  we  can  thus  obtain 
a  better  idea  of  the  pronunciation  of  the  Canaanitish 
language  in  the  century  before  the  Exodus  than  we 
can  of  the  Hebrew  language  in  the  age  of  Hezekiah. 

Among  the  words  which  have  been  handed  down  to 
us  by  the  correspondents  of  the  Pharaoh  are  maqani 
"cattle,"  anay  "a  ship,"  siisi  "a  horse,"  of  which  the 
Hebrew  equivalents,  according  to  the  Masoretic 
punctuation,  are  miqneh,  oni,  and  sus.  The  king  of 
Jerusalem  says  anuki,  "I,"  the  Hebrew  anochi,  while 
badiu,  the  Hebrew  b'yado,  and  akharnnu,  the  Hebrew 
akharono,  are  stated  to  signify  "in  his  hand,"  and 
"after  him."  "Dust"  is,  where  the  guttural 
gh  represents  the  Canaanitish  ayyin  (');  "stomach" 
is  batnu,  the  Hebrew  beten;  while  kilubi,  "a  cage," 
corresponds  with  the  Hebrew  chelub,  which  is  used 
in  the  same  sense  by  the  prophet  Jeremiah.  Else- 
where we  find  rusu,  the  Hebrew  rosh,  "a  head,"  har, 
"a  mountain,"  samama  "heaven,"  and  mima  "water," 
in  Hebrew  shdmayim  and  mayim,  which  we  gather 
from    the    cuneiform    spelling    have    been    wrongly 


punctuated  by  the  Masoretes,  as  well  as  khaya 
"living,"  the  Hebrew  khai,  and  makhzu,  "they  have 
smitten  him,"  the  Hebrew  makhatsu. 

It  was  the  use  of  the  definite  article  ha(n)  which 
mainly  distinguished  Hebrew  and  Phoenician  or 
Canaanite  one  from  the  other.  And  we  have  a  curious 
indication  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets,  that  the  same 
distinction  prevailed  between  the  language  of  the 
Canaanites  and  that  of  the  Edomites,  who,  as  we  learn 
from  the  Old  Testament,  were  so  closely  related  to 
the  Israelites.  In  the  letter  to  the  Pharaoh,  in  which 
mention  is  made  of  the  hostilities  carried  on  by  Edom 
against  the  Egyptian  territory,  one  of  the  Edomite 
towns  referred  to  is  called  Khinianabi.  Transcribed 
into  Hebrew  characters  this  would  be  'En-han-nabi, 
"the  Spring  of  the  Prophet."  Here,  therefore,  the 
Hebrew  article  makes  its  appearance,  and  that  too  in 
the  very  form  which  it  has  in  the  language  of  Israel. 
The  fact  is  an  interesting  commentary  on  the  brother- 
hood of  Jacob  and  Esau. 

If  the  language  of  Canaan  was  influenced  by  that 
of  Egypt,  still  more  was  it  influenced  by  that  of  Baby- 
lonia. Long  before  Palestine  became  an  Egyptian 
province  it  had  been  a  province  of  Babylonia.  And 
even  when  it  was  not  actually  subject  to  Babylonian 
government  it  was  under  the  dominion  of  Babylonian 
culture.  War  and  trade  alike  forced  the  Chaldaean 
civilization  upon  "the  land  of  the  Amorites,"  and  the 
Canaanites  were  not  slow  to  take  advantage  of  it.  The 
cuneiform  writing  of  Babylonia  was  adopted,  and 
therewith  the  language  of  Babylonia  was  taught  and 
learned  in  the  schools  and  libraries  which  were  estab- 
lished in  imitation  of  those  of  the  Babylonians.  Baby- 
lonian literature  was  introduced  into  the  West,  and 


the  Canaanite  youth  became  acquainted  with  the  his- 
tory and  legends,  the  theology  and  mythology  of  the 
dwellers  on  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris. 

Such  literary  contact  naturally  left  its  impress  on 
the  language  of  Canaan.  Words  which  the  Semites 
of  Babylonia  had  borrowed  from  the  older  Sumerian 
population  of  the  country  were  handed  on  to  the 
peoples  of  Palestine.  The  "city"  had  been  a  Sume- 
rian creation ;  until  brought  under  the  influence  of 
Sumerian  culture,  the  Semite  had  been  contented  to 
live  in  tents.  Indeed  in  Babylonian  or  Assyrian — 
the  language  of  the  Semitic  inhabitants  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria — the  word  which  signified  "tent"  was 
adopted  to  express  the  idea  of  "city"  when  the  tent 
had  been  exchanged  for  city-life.  In  Canaan,  on  the 
other  hand,  "the  Sumerian  word  itself  was  adopted  in 
a  Semitic  form.  'Ir,  'at,  or  uru,  "city,"  was  originally 
the  Sumerian  eri. 

The  Canaanitish  hekdl,  "a  palace,"  again,  came 
from  a  Sumerian  source.  This  was  e-gal,  or  "great 
house."  But  it  had  passed  to  the  west  through  the 
Semitic  Babylonians,  who  had  first  borrowed  the  com- 
pound word  under  the  form  of  ekallu.  Like  the  city, 
the  palace  also  was  unknown  to  the  primitive  Semitic 
nomads.  It  belonged  to  the  civilization  of  which  the 
Sumerians  of  Chaldaea,  with  their  agglutinative  lan- 
luage,  were  the  pioneers. 

The  borrowing,  however,  was  not  altogether  one- 
sided. Palestine  enriched  the  literary  language  of 
Babylonia  with  certain  words,  though  these  do  not 
seem  to  have  made  their  way  into  the  language  of  the 
people.  Thus  we  find  words  like  bin-bini,  "grand- 
son," and  inu,  "wine,"  recorded  in  the  lexical  tablets 
of    Babylonia  and   Assyria.      Doubtless   there   were 


writers  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  who  were  as 
anxious  to  exhibit  their  knowledge  of  the  language  of 
Canaan  as  were  the  Egyptian  scribes  of  the  nineteenth 
dynasty,  though  their  literary  works  have  not  yet 
been  discovered. 

The  adoption  of  the  Babylonian  system  of  writing 
must  have  worked  powerfully  on  the  side  of  tincturing 
the  Canaanitish  language  with  Babylonian  words.  In 
the  age  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  there  is  no  sign 
that  any  other  system  was  known  in  the  west.  It  is 
true  that  the  letters  sent  to  the  Pharaoh  from  Palestine 
were  written  in  the  Babylonian  language  as  well  as  in 
the  Babylonian  script,  but  we  have  evidence  that  the 
cuneiform  characters  were  also  used  for  the  native 
language  of  the  country.  M.  de  Clercq  possesses  two 
seal-cylinders  of  the  same  date  as  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
correspondence,  on  one  of  which  is  the  cuneiform  in- 
scription— "  Hadad-sum,  the  citizen  of  Sidon,  the 
crown  of  the  gods,"  while  on  the  other  is  "Anniy, 
the  son  of  Hadad-sum,  the  citizen  of  Sidon."  On  the 
first,  Hadad-sum  is  represented  as  standing  with  his 
hands  uplifted  before  the  Egyptian  god  Set,  while 
behind  him  is  the  god  Resheph  with  a  helmet  on  his 
head,  a  shield  in  one  hand  and  a  battle-axe  in  the 
other.  On  the  seal  of  Anniy,  Set  and  Resheph  again 
make  their  appearance,  but  instead  of  the  owner  of 
the  cylinder  it  is  the  god  Horus  who  stands  between 

When  the  cuneiform  syllabary  was  superseded  in 
Palestine  by  the  so-called  Phoenician  alphabet  we  do 
not  know.  The  introduction  of  the  new  script  was  due 
perhaps  to  the  Hittite  invasion,  which  separated  the 
Semites  of  the  west  from  the  Semites  of  the  east. 
The   Hittite  occupation  of   Carchemish   blocked  the 


high-road  of  Babylonian  trade  to  the  Mediterranean, 
and  when  the  sacred  city  of  Kadesh,  on  the  Orontes, 
fell  into  Hittite  hands  it  was  inevitable  that  Hittite 
rather  than  Babylonian  influence  would  henceforth 
prevail  in  Canaan.  However  this  may  be,  it  seems 
natural  to  suppose  that  the  scribes  of  Zebulon  referred 
to  in  the  Song  of  Deborah  and  Barak  (Judges  v.  14) 
wrote  in  the  letters  of  the  Phoenician  alphabet  and  not 
in  the  cuneiform  characters  of  Babylonia.  As  long, 
indeed,  as  the  old  libraries  remained  open  and  access- 
ible, with  their  stores  of  cuneiform  literature,  there 
must  have  been  some  who  could  read  them,  but  they 
would  have  been  rather  the  older  inhabitants  of  the 
country  than  the  alien  conquerors  from  the  desert. 
When  the  Moabite  Stone  was  engraved,  it  is  clear 
from  the  forms  of  the  letters  that  the  Phoenician 
alphabet  had  long  been  in  use  in  the  kingdom  of 
Mesha.  The  resemblance  of  these  letters  to  those 
found  in  the  earliest  of  the  Greek  inscriptions  makes 
it  equally  clear  that  the  introduction  of  the  alphabet 
into  the  islands  of  the  ^Egean  must  have  taken  place 
at  no  distant  period  frpm  the  age  of  the  Moabite  Stone. 
Such  an  introduction,  however,  implies  that  the  new 
alphabet  had  already  taken  deep  root  among  the  mer- 
chants of  Canaan,  and  driven  out  before  it  the  cum- 
brous syllabary  of  Chaldaea.  It  was  in  this  alphabet 
that  Hiram  and  Solomon  corresponded  together,  and 
it  is  probable  that  it  was  introduced  for  official  pur- 
poses in  the  time  of  David.  In  the  Mosaic  age,  at  all 
events,  the  cuneiform  characters  were  still  used. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  elements  of  Baby- 
lonian art  were  quickly  absorbed  by  the  Canaanites. 
The  seal-cylinder  was  imitated,  at  first  with  but  in- 
different  success,   and   such    Babylonian    ornamental 


designs  as  the  rosette,  the  sacred  tree,  and  the  winged 
cherub  were  taken  over  and  developed  in  a  special 
way.  At  times  the  combination  with  them  of  designs 
borrowed  from  Egypt  produced  a  new  kind  of  artistic 

But  it  was  in  the  realm  of  religion  that  the  influence 
of  Babylonia  was  most  powerful.  Religion,  especially 
in  the  ancient  world,  was  inextricably  bound  up  with 
its  culture  :  it  was  impossible  to  adopt  the  one  without 
adopting  a  good  deal  of  the  other  at  the  same  time. 
Moreover,  the  Semites  of  Babylonia  and  of  Canaan 
belonged  to  the  same  race,  and  that  meant  a  com- 
munity of  inherited  religious  ideas.  With  both  the 
supreme  object  of  worship  was  Baal  or  Bel,  "  the  lord," 
who  was  but  the  S^un-god  under  a  variety  of  names. 
Each  locality  had  its  own  special  Baal :  there  were, 
in  fact,  as  many  Baals,  or  Baalim,  as  there  were  names 
and  attributes  for  the  Sun-god,  and  to  the  worshippers 
in  each  locality  the  Baal  adored  there  was  the  supreme 
god.  But  the  god  resembled  his  worshipper  who  had 
been  made  in  his  image;  he  was  the  father  and  head 
of  a  family  with  a  wife  and  son.  The  wife,  it  is  true, 
was  but  the  colourless  reflection  of  the  god,  often 
indeed  but  the  feminine  Baalah,  whom  the  Semitic 
languages  with  their  feminine  gender  required  to 
exist  by  the  side  of  the  masculine  Baal.  But  this  was 
only  in  accordance  with  the  Semitic  conception  of 
woman  as  the  lesser  man,  his  servant  rather  than  his 
companion,  his  shadow  rather  than  his  helpmeet. 

The  existence  of  an  independent  goddess,  unmarried 
and  possessing  all  the  attributes  of  the  god,  was 
contrary  to  the  fundamental  conceptions  of  the  Semitic 
mind.  Nevertheless  we  find  in  Canaan  an  Ashtoreth, 
whom  the  Greeks  called  Astarte,  as  well  as  a  Baal. 


The  cuneiform  inscriptions  have  given  us  an  explana- 
tion of  the  fact. 

Ashtoreth  came  from  Babylonia.  There  she  was 
known  as  Istar,  the  evening  star.  She  had  been  one 
of  those  Sumerian  goddesses  who,  in  accordance  with 
the  Sumerian  system,  which  placed  the  mother  at  the 
head  of  the  family,  were  on  an  equal  footing  with  the 
gods.  She  lay  outside  the  circle  of  Semitic  theology 
with  its  divine  family,  over  which  the  male  Baal  pre- 
sided, and  the  position  she  occupied  in  later  Baby- 
lonian religion  was  due  to  the  fusion  between  the 
Sumerian  and  Semitic  forms  of  faith,  which  took  place 
when  the  Semites  became  the  chief  element  in  Baby- 
lonia. But  Sumerian  influence  and  memories  were 
too  strong  to  allow  of  any  transformation  either  in  the 
name  or  in  the  attributes  of  the  goddess.  She  re- 
mained Istar,  without  any  feminine  suffix,  and  it  was 
never  forgotten  that  she  was  the  evening  star. 

It  was  otherwise  in  the  west.  There  Istar  became 
Ashtoreth  with  the  feminine  termination,  and  passed 
eventually  into  a  Moon-goddess  "with  crescent 
horns."  Ashtoreth-Karnaim,  "Ashtoreth  with  the 
two  horns,"  was  already  in  existence  in  the  age  of 
Abraham."  In  Babylonia  the  Moon-god  of  ancient 
Sumerian  belief  had  never  been  dethroned;  but  there 
was  no  Moon-god  in  Canaan,  and  accordingly  the 
transformation  of  the  Babylonian  goddess  into  "the 
queen  of  the  night "  was  a  matter  of  little  difficulty. 

Once  domesticated  in  Palestine,  with  her  name  so 
changed  as  to  declare  her  feminine  character,  Ash- 
toreth soon  tended  to  lose  her  independence."  Just 
as  there  were  Baalim  or  "  Baals  "  by  the  side  of  Baal, 
so  there  were  Ashtaroth  or  Ashtoreths  "  by  the  side 
of  Ashtoreth. 


The  Semites  of  Babylonia  themselves  had  already 
begun  the  work  of  transformation.  They  too  spoke 
of  Istarat  or  "Istars,"  and  used  the  word  in  the 
general  sense  of  "goddesses."  In  Canaan,  however, 
Ashtaroth  had  no  such  general  meaning,  but  denoted 
simply  the  various  Ashtoreths  who  were  worshipped 
in  different  localities,  and  under  different  titles.  The 
individual  Ashtoreth  of  Gebal  was  separate  from  the 
individual  Ashtoreth  of  Bashan,  although  they  alike 
represented  the  same  divine  personality. 

It  is  true  that  even  in  the  West  Istar  did  not  always 
become  the  feminine  complement  of  Baal.  Here  and 
there  the  old  form  of  the  name  was  preserved,  without 
any  feminine  suffix.  But  when  this  was  the  case,  the 
necessary  result  was  that  the  female  character  of  the 
deity  was  forgotten.  Istar  was  conceived  of  as  a 
god,  and  accordingly  in  the  Moabite  Stone  Ashtar  is 
identified  with  Chemosh,  the  patron-god  of  Mesha, 
just  as  in  Southern  Arabia  also  Atthar  is  a  male 

The  worship  of  Ashtoreth  absorbed  that  of  the  other 
goddesses  of  Canaan.  Among  them  there  was  one 
who  had  once  occupied  a  very  prominent  place.  This 
was  Asherah,  the  goddess  of  fertility,  whose  name  is 
written  Asirtu  and  Asratu  in  the  tablets  of  Tel  el- 
Amarna.  Asherah  was  symbolized  by  a  stem  stripped 
of  its  branches,  or  an  upright  cone  of  stone,  fixed  in 
the  ground,  and  the  symbol  and  the  goddess  were  at 
times  confounded  together.  The  symbol  is  mistrans- 
lated "grove"  in  the  Authorized  Version  of  the  Old 
Testament,  and  it  often  stood  by  the  side  of  the  altar 
of  Baal.  We  find  it  thus  represented  on  early  seals. 
In  Palestine  it  was  usually  of  wood;  but  in  the  great 
temple  of  Paphos  in  Cyprus  there  was  an  ancient  and 


revered  one  of  stone.  This,  however,  came  to  be 
appropriated  to  Ashtoreth  in  the  days  when  the  older 
Asherah  was  supplanted  by  the  younger  Ashtoreth. 

We  hear  of  other  Canaanitish  divinities  from  the 
monuments  of  Egypt.  The  goddess  Edom,  the  wife 
of  Resheph,  has  already  been  referred  to.  Her  name 
is  found  in  that  of  the  Gittite,  Obed-Edom,  "the 
servant  of  Edom,"  in  whose  house  the  ark  was  kept 
for  three  months  (2  Sam.  vi.  10).  Resheph,  too,  has 
been  mentioned  in  an  earlier  page.  He  was  the  god 
of  fire  and  lightning,  and  on  the  Egyptian  monuments 
he  is  represented  as  armed  with  spear  and  helmet,  and 
bears  the  titles  of  "great  god  "  and  "lord  of  heaven." 
Along  with  him  we  find  pictures  of  a  goddess  called 
Kedesh  and  Kesh.  She  stands  on  the  back  of  a  lion, 
with  flowers  in  her  left  hand  and  a  serpent  in  her 
right,  while  on  her  head  is  the  lunar  disk  between  the 
horns  of  a  cow.  She  may  be  the  goddess  Edom,  or 
perhaps  the  solar  divinity  who  was  entitled  A  in  Baby- 
lonian, and  whose  name  enters  into  that  of  an  Edomite 
king  A-rammu,  who  is  mentioned  by  Sennacherib. 

But,  like  Istar,  a  considerable  number  of  the  deities 
of  Palestine  were  borrowed  from  Babylonia.  In  the 
Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  the  god  of  Jerusalem  is  identi- 
fied with  the  warlike  Sun-god  of  Babylonia,  Nin-ip, 
and  there  was  a  sanctuary  of  the  name  divinity  further 
north,  in  Phoenicia.  Foremost  among  the  deities 
whose  first  home  was  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates 
were  Anu  and  Anat  and  Rimmon.  Anu,  whose  name 
is  written  Anah  in  Hebrew,  was  the  god  of  the  sky, 
and  he  stood  at  the  head  of  the  Babylonian  pantheon. 
His  wife  Anat  was  but  a  colourless  reflection  of  him- 
self, a  grammatical  creation  of  the  Semitic  languages. 
But  she  shared  in  the  honours  that  were  paid  to  her 


consort,  and  the  divinity  that  resided  in  him  was  re- 
flected upon  her.  Anat,  like  Ashtoreth,  became  multi- 
plied under  many  forms,  and  the  Anathoth  or  "Anat " 
signified  little  more  than  "goddesses."  Between  the 
Ashtaroth  and  the  Anathoth  the  difference  was  but  in 

The  numerous  localities  in  Palestine  which  received 
their  names  from  the  god  Rimmon  are  a  proof  of  his 
popularity.  The  Babylonian  Rimmon  or  Ramman 
was,  strictly  speaking,  the  god  of  the  air,  but  in  the 
West  he  was  identified  with  the  Sun-god  Hadad,  and 
a  place  near  Megiddo  bore  the  compound  title  of 
Hadad-Rimmon  (Zech.  xii.  u).  His  naturalization 
in  Canaan  seems  to  belong  to  a  very  early  period ;  at 
all  events,  in  Sumerian  he  was  called  Martu,  "the 
Amorite,"  and  seal-cylinders  speak  of  "the  Amorite 
god."  One  of  these  has  been  found  in  the 
Lebanon.  The  Assyrian  tablets  tell  us  that  he  was 
also  known  as  Dadu  in  the  west,  and  under  this  form 
we  find  him  in  names  like  El-Dad  and  Be-dad,  or 

Like  Rimmon,  Nebo  also  must  have  been  trans- 
ported to  Palestine  at  an  early  epoch.  Nebo  "the 
prophet "  was  the  interpreter  of  Bel-Merodach  of 
Babylon,  the  patron  of  cuneiform  literature,  and  the 
god  to  whom  the  great  temple  of  Borsippa — the 
modern  Birs-i-Nimrud — was  dedicated.  Doubtless  he 
had  migrated  to  the  west  along  with  that  literary 
culture  over  which  he  presided.  There  his  name  and 
worship  were  attached  to  many  localities.  It  was  on 
the  summit  of  Mount  Nebo  that  Moses  died;  over 
Nebo,  Isaiah  prophesies,  "  Moab  shall  howl ;  "  and 
we  hear  of  a  city  called  "the  other  Nebo"  in  Judah 
(Neh.  vii.  33). 


Another  god  who  had  been  borrowed  from  Baby- 
lonia by  the  people  of  Canaan  was  Malik  "the  king," 
a  title  originally  of  the  supreme  Baal.  Malik  is 
familiarly  known  to  us  in  the  Old  Testament  as 
Moloch,  to  whom  the  first-born  were  burned  in  the 
fire.  At  Tyre  the  god  was  termed  Melech-kirjath, 
or  "king  of  the  city,"  which  was  contracted  into 
Melkarth,  and  in  the  mouths  of  the  Greeks  became 
Makar.  There  is  a  passage  in  the  book  of  the  prophet 
Amos  (v.  25,  26),  upon  which  the  Assyrian  texts  have 
thrown  light.  We  there  read  :  "  Have  ye  offered  unto 
me  sacrifices  and  offerings  in  the  wilderness  forty 
years,  O  house  of  Israel  ?  Yet  ye  have  borne  Sikkuth 
your  Malik  and  Chiun  your  Zelem,  the  star  of  your 
god,  which  ye  made  to  yourselves." 

Sikkuth  and  Chiun  are  the  Babylonian  Sakkut  and 
Kaivan,  a  name  given  to  the  planet  Saturn.  Sakkut 
was  a  title  of  the  god  Nin-ip,  and  we  gather  from 
Amos  that  it  also  represented  Malik  "the  king." 
Zelem,  "the  image,"  was  another  Babylonian  deity, 
and  originally  denoted  "the  image"  or  disk  of  the 
sun.  His  name  and  worship  were  carried  into  North- 
ern Arabia,  and  a  monument  has  been  discovered  at 
Teima,  the  Tema  of  Jsaiah  (xxi.  14),  which  is  dedicated 
to  him.  It  would  seem,  from  the  language  of  Amos, 
that  the  Babylonian  god  had  been  adored  in  "the 
wilderness  "  as  far  back  as  the  days  when  the  Israelites 
were  encamping  in  it.  Nor,  indeed,  is  this  surpris- 
ing :  Babylonian  influence  in  the  west  belonged  to 
an  age  long  anterior  to  that  of  the  Exodus,  and  even 
the  mountain  whereon  the  oracles  of  God  were  re- 
vealed to  the  Hebrew  lawgiver  was  Sinai,  the  moun- 
tain of  Sin.  The  worship  of  Sin,  the  Babylonian 
Moon-god,  must  therefore  have"  made  its  way  thus  far 


into  the  deserts  of  Arabia.  Inscriptions  from  South- 
ern Arabia  have  already  shown  us  that  there,  too,  Sin 
was  known  and  adored. 

Dagon,  again,  was  another  god  who  had  his  first 
home  in  Babylonia.  The  name  is  of  Sumerian  origin, 
and  he  was  associated  with  Anu,  the  god  of  the  sky. 
Like  Sin,  he  appears  to  have  been  worshipped  at 
Harran ;  at  all  events,  Sargon  states  that  he  inscribed 
the  laws  of  that  city  "according  to  the  wish  of  Anu 
and  Dagon."  Along  with  Anu  he  would  have  been 
brought  to  Canaan,  and  though  we  first  meet  with 
his  name  in  the  Old  Testament  in  connection  with 
the  Philistines,  it  is  certain  that  he  was  already  one 
of  the  deities  of  the  country  whom  the  Philistine  in- 
vaders adopted.  One  of  the  Canaanitish  governors 
in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  correspondence  bears  the 
Assyrian  name  of  Dagon-takala,  "we  trust  in  Dagon." 
The  Phoenicians  made  him  the  god  of  corn  in  con- 
sequence of  the  resemblance  of  his  name  to  the  word 
which  signifies  "corn  ";  primarily,  however,  he  would 
have  been  a  god  of  the  earth.  The  idea  that  he  was 
a  fish-god  is  of  post-Biblical  date,  and  due  to  a  false 
etymology,  which  derived  his  name  from  the  Hebrew 
dag,  "a  fish."  The  fish-god  of  Babylonia,  however, 
whose  image  is  sometimes  engraved  on  seals,  was  a 
form  of  Ea,  the  god  of  the  deep,  and  had  no  con- 
nection with  Dagon. 

Doubtless  there  were  other  divinities  besides  these 
whom  the  peoples  of  Canaan  owed  to  the  Babylonians. 
Mr.  Tomkins  is  probably  right  in  seeing  in  the  name 
of  Beth-lehem  a  reminiscence  of  the  Babylonian  god 
Lakhmu,  who  took  part  in  the  creation  of  the  world, 
and  whom  a  later  philosophizing  generation  identified 
with  Anu.     But  the  theology  of  early  Canaan  is  still 


but  little  known,  and  its  pantheon  is  still  in  great 
measure  a  sealed  book.  Now  and  again  we  meet  with 
a  solitary  passage  in  some  papyrus  or  inscription  on 
stone,  which  reveals  to  us  for  the  first  time  the  name 
of  an  otherwise  unknown  deity.  Who,  for  instance) 
is  the  goddess  'Ashiti-Khaur,  who  is  addressed,  along 
with  Kedesh,  on  an  Egyptian  monument  now  at 
Vienna  as  "the  mistress  of  heaven  "  and  "ruler  of  all 
the  gods  ?  "  The  votive  altars  of  Carthage  make  re- 
peated mention  of  the  goddess  Tanit,  the  Peni  or 
"  Face "  of  Baal,  whom  the  Greeks  identified  with 
Artemis.  She  must  have  been  known  in  the  mother- 
land of  Phoenicia,  and  yet  no  trace  of  her  worship 
there  has  as  yet  been  found.  There  were  "gods  many 
and  lords  many  "  in  primitive  Palestine,  and  though 
a  comprehensive  faith  summed  them  up  as  its  Baalim 
and  Ashtaroth  they  yet  had  individual  names  and 
titles,  as  well  as  altars  and  priests. 

But  though  altars  were  numerous,  temples  were  not 
plentiful.  The  chief  seats  of  religious  worship  were 
"the  high-places,"  level  spots  on  the  summits  of  hills 
or  mountains,  where  altars  were  erected,  and  the  wor- 
shipper was  believed  to  be  nearer  the  dwelling-place 
of  the  gods  than  he  would  have  been  in  the  plain 
below.  The  altar  was  frequently  some  natural  boulder 
of  rock,  consecrated  by  holy  oil,  and  regarded  as  the 
habitation  of  a  god.  These  sacred  stones  were  termed 
beth-els,  bcetyli  as  the  Greeks  wrote  the  word,  and 
they  form  a  distinguishing  characteristic  of  Semitic 
faith.  In  later  times  many  of  them  were  imagined  to 
have  "come  down  from  heaven."  So  deeply  enrooted 
with  this  worship  of  stones  in  the  Semitic  nature,  that 
even  Mohammed,  in  spite  of  his  iconoclastic  zeal,  was 
obliged  to  accommodate  his  creed  to  the  worship  of 


the  Black  Stone  at  Mekka,  and  the  Kaaba  is  still  one 
of  the  most  venerated  objects  of  the  Mohammedan 

But  the  sacred  stone  was  not  only  an  object  of 
worship  or  the  consecrated  altar  of  a  deity,  it  might 
also  take  the  place  of  a  temple,  and  so  be  in  very  truth 
a  beth-el,  or  "house  of  God."  Thus  at  Medain  Salih 
in  North-western  Arabia  Mr.  Doughty  discovered 
three  upright  stones,  which  an  inscription  informed 
him  were  the  mesged  or  "mosque"  of  the  god  Aera 
of  Bozrah.  In  the  great  temple  of  Melkarth  at  Tyre 
Herodotus  saw  two  columns,  one  of  gold,  the  other  of 
emerald,  reminding  us  of  the  two  pillars,  Jachin  and 
Boaz,  which  the  Phoenician  architect  of  Solomon 
erected  in  the  porch  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem 
(i  Kings  vii.  21).  Similar  columns  of  stone  have 
been  found  in  the  Phoenician  temple,  called  that  of 
the  Giants,  in  Gozo,  one  of  which  is  still  standing  in 
its  place. 

While  certain  stones  were  thus  regarded  as  the 
abode  of  deity,  the  high  places  whereon  so  many  of 
them  stood  also  received  religious  worship.  The  most 
prominent  of  the  mountains  of  Syria  were  deified  : 
Carmel  became  a  Penu-el  or  "Face  of  God,"  Hermon 
was  "the  Holy  One,"  and  Mount  Lebanon  was  a  Baal. 
The  rivers  and  springs  also  were  adored  as  gods,  and 
the  fish  which  swam  in  them  were  accounted  sacred. 
On  the  Phoenician  coast  was  a  river  Kadisha,  "the 
holy,"  and  the  Canaanite  maiden  saw  in  the  red 
marl  which  the  river  Adonis  brought  down  from 
the  hills  the  blood  of  the  slaughtered  Sun-god 

The  temple  of  Solomon,  built  as  it  was  by  Phoeni- 
cian architects  and  workmen,  will  give  us  an  idea  of 


what  a  Canaanitish  temple  was  like.  In  its  main  out- 
lines it  resembled  a  temple  in  Babylonia  or  Assyria. 
There,  too,  there  was  an  outer  court  and  an  inner 
sanctuary,  with  its  parakku  or  "mercy-seat,"  and  its 
ark  of  stone  or  wood,  in  which  an  inscribed  tablet  of 
stone  was  kept.  Like  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  the 
Babylonian  temple  looked  from  the  outside  much  like 
a  rectangular  box,  with  its  four  walls  rising  up  blank 
and  unadorned,  to  the  sky.  Within  the  open  court 
was  a  "sea,"  supported  at  times  on  oxen  of  bronze, 
where  the  priests  and  servants  of  the  temple  per- 
formed their  ablutions  and  the  sacred  vessels  were 

The  Canaanitish  altar  was  approached  by  steps, 
and  was  large  enough  for  the  sacrifice  of  an  ox. 
Besides  the  sacrifices,  offerings  of  corn  and  wine,  of 
fruit  and  oil  were  also  made  to  the  gods.  The  sacri- 
fices and  offerings  were  of  two  kinds,  the  zau'at  or 
sin-offering,  and  the  shelem  or  thank-offering.  The 
sin-offering  had  to  be  given  wholly  to  the  god,  and 
was  accordingly  termed  kalil  or  "complete";  a  part 
of  the  thank-offering,  on  the  other  hand,  might  be 
carried  away  by  him  who  made  it.  Birds,  moreover, 
might  constitute  a  thank-offering;  they  were  not 
allowed  when  the  offering  was  made  for  sin.  Such 
at  least  was  the  rule  in  the  later  days  of  Phoenician 
ritual,  to  which  belong  the  sacrificial  tariffs  that  have 
been  preserved. 

In  these  sacrificial  tariffs  no  mention  is  made  of 
human  sacrifices,  and,  as  M.  Clermont-Ganneau  has 
pointed  out,  the  ram  takes  in  them  the  place  of  the 
man.  But  this  was  the  result  of  the  milder  manners 
of  an  age  when  the  Phoenicians  had  been  brought 
into  close  contact  with  the  Greeks.     In  the  older  days 


of  Canaanitish  history  human  sacrifice  had  held  a 
foremost  place  in  the  ritual  of  Syria.  It  was  the 
sacrifice  of  the  first-born  son  that  was  demanded  in 
times  of  danger  and  trouble,  or  when  the  family  was 
called  upon  to  make  a  special  atonement  for  sin.  The 
victim  was  offered  as  a  burnt  sacrifice,  which  in 
Hebrew  idiom  was  euphemistically  described  as 
passing  through  the  fire. 

Side  by  side  with  these  human  sacrifices  were  the 
abominations  which  were  performed  in  the  temples  in 
honour  of  Ashtoreth.  Women  acted  as  prostitutes, 
and  men  who  called  themselves  "dogs"  forswore 
their  manhood.  It  was  these  sensualities  practised  in 
the  name  of  religion  which  caused  the  iniquity  of  the 
Canaanites  to  become  full. 

It  is  pleasanter  to  turn  to  such  fragments  of  Canaan- 
itish mythology  and  cosmological  speculation  as  have 
come  down  to  us.  Unfortunately  most  of  it  belongs 
in  its  present  form  to  the  late  days  of  Greek  and 
Roman  domination,  when  an  attempt  was  made  to 
fuse  the  disjointed  legends  of  the  various  Phoenician 
states  into  a  connected  whole,  and  to  present  them  to 
Greek  readers  under  a  philosophical  guise.  How 
much,  therefore,  of  the  strange  cosmogony  and  history 
of  the  gods  recorded  by  Philon  of  Gebal  really  goes 
back  to  the  patriarchal  epoch  of  Palestine,  and  how 
much  of  it  is  of  later  growth,  it  is  now  impossible 
to  say.  In  the  main,  however,  it  is  of  ancient 

This  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  a  good  deal  of  it  has 
been  borrowed  directly  or  indirectly  from  Babylonia. 
How  this  could  have  happened  has  been  explained  by 
the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets.  It  was  while  Canaan  was 
under  the  influence  of  Babylonian  culture  and  Baby- 


Ionian  government  that  the  myths  and  traditions  of 
Babylonia  made  their  way  to  the  West.  Among  the 
tablets  are  portions  of  Babylonian  legends,  one  of 
which  has  been  carefully  annotated  by  the  Egyptian 
or  Canaanite  scribe.  It  is  the  story  of  the  queen  of 
Hades,  who  had  been  asked  by  the  gods  to  a  feast 
they  had  made  in  the  heavens.  Unable  or  unwilling 
to  ascend  to  it,  the  goddess  sent  her  servant  the 
plague-demon,  but  with  the  result  that  Nergal  was 
commissioned  to  descend  to  Hades  and  destroy  its 
mistress.  The  fourteen  gates  of  the  infernal  world, 
each  with  its  attendant  warder,  were  opened  before 
him,  and  at  last  he  seized  the  queen  by  the  hair,  drag- 
ging her  to  the  ground,  and  threatening  to  cut  off  her 
head.  But  Eris-kigal,  the  queen  of  Hades,  made  a 
successful  appeal  for  mercy;  she  became  the  wife  of 
Nergal,  and  he  the  lord  of  the  tomb. 

Another  legend  was  an  endeavour  to  account  for  the 
origin  of  death.  Adamu,  we  are  told,  the  first  man, 
who  had  been  created  by  Ea,  was  fishing  one  day  in 
the  deep  sea,  when  he  broke  the  wings  of  the  south 
wind.  The  south  wind  flew  to  complain  to  Anu  in 
heaven,  and  Anu  ordered  the  culprit  to  appear  before 
him.  But  Adamu  was  instructed  by  Ea  how  to  act. 
Clad  in  a  garment  of  mourning,  he  won  the  hearts 
of  the  two  guardians  of  the  gate  of  heaven,  the  gods 
Tammuz  and  Gis-zida  ("the  firmly-fixed  post"),  so 
that  they  pleaded  for  him  before  Anu.  Food  and 
water  were  offered  him,  but  he  refused  them  for  fear 
that  they  might  be  the  food  and  water  of  death.  Oil 
only  for  anointing  and  clothing  did  he  accept. 
"Then  Anu  looked  upon  him  and  raised  his  voice  in 
lamentation  :  '  O  Adamu,  wherefore  atest  thou  not, 
wherefore   didst   thou   not  drink?     The   gift   of   life 


cannot  now  be  thine.'  "  Though  "a  sinful  man  "  had 
been  permitted  "to  behold  the  innermost  parts  of 
heaven  and  earth,"  he  had  rejected  the  food  and  water 
of  life,  and  death  henceforth  was  the  lot  of  man- 

It  is  curious  that  the  commencement  of  this  legend, 
the  latter  portion  of  which  has  been  found  at  Tel  el- 
Amarna,  had  been  brought  to  the  British  Museum 
from  the  ruins  of  the  library  of  Nineveh  many  years 
ago.  But  until  the  discovery  of  the  conclusion,  its 
meaning  and  character  were  indecipherable.  The 
copy  made  for  the  library  of  Nineveh  was  a  late  edition 
of  the  text  which  had  been  carried  from  Babylonia  to 
the  banks  of  the  Nile  eight  hundred  years  before,  and 
the  fact  emphasizes  once  more  the  Babylonian  char- 
acter of  the  culture  and  literature  possessed  by  Pales- 
tine in  the  Patriarchal  Age. 

We  need  not  wonder,  therefore,  if  it  is  to  Babylonia 
that  the  cosmological  legends  and  beliefs  of  Phoenicia 
plainly  point.  The  watery  chaos  out  of  which  the 
world  was  created,  the  divine  hierarchies,  one  pair  of 
deities  proceeding  from  another  and  an  older  pair,  or 
the  victory  of  Kronos  over  the  dragon  Ophioneus,  are 
among  the  indications  of  their  Babylonian  origin. 
But  far  more  important  than  these  echoes  of  Baby- 
lonian mythology  in  the  legendary  lore  of  Phoenicia 
is  the  close  relationship  that  exists  between  the  tradi- 
tions of  Babylonia  and  the  earlier  chapters  of  Genesis. 
As  is  now  well  known,  the  Babylonian  account  of  the 
Deluge  agrees  even  in  details  with  that  which  we  find 
in  the  Bible,  though  the  polytheism  of  Chaldaea  is 
there  replaced  by  an  uncompromising  monotheism, 
and  there  are  little  touches,  like  the  substitution  of  an 
"ark"  for  the  Babylonian  "ship,"  which  show  that 


the  narrative  has  been  transported  to  Palestine. 
Equally  Babylonian  in  origin  is  the  history  of  the 
Tower  of  Babel,  while  two  of  the  rivers  of  Eden  are 
the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  and  Eden  itself  is  the  Edin 
or  "Plain"  of  Babylonia. 

Not  so  long  ago  it  was  the  fashion  to  declare  that 
such  coincidences  between  Babylonian  and  Hebrew 
literature  could  be  due  only  to  the  long  sojourn  of  the 
Jews  in  Babylonia  during  the  twenty  years  of  the 
Exile.  But  we  now  know  that  the  traditions  and 
legends  of  Babylonia  were  already  known  in  Canaan 
before  the  Israelites  had  entered  the  Promised  Land. 
It  was  not  needful  for  the  Hebrew  writer  to  go  to 
Chaldaea  in  order  that  he  might  learn  them ;  when 
Moses  was  born  they  were  already  current  both  in 
Palestine  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  The  Baby- 
lonian colouring  of  the  early  chapters  of  Genesis  is 
just  what  archaeology  would  teach  us  to  expect  it 
would  have  been  had  the  Pentateuch  been  of  the  age 
to  which  it  lays  claim. 

Here  and  there,  indeed,  there  are  passages  which 
must  be  of  that  age,  and  of  none  other.  When  in 
the  tenth  chapter  of  Genesis  Canaan  is  made  the 
brother  of  Cush  and  Mizraim,  of  Ethiopia  and  Egypt, 
we  are  carried  back  at  once  to  the  days  when  Palestine 
was  an  Egyptian  province.  The  statement  is  appli- 
cable to  no  other  age.  Geographically  Canaan  lay 
outside  the  southern  zone  to  which  Egypt  and 
Ethiopia  belonged,  except  during  the  epoch  of  the 
eighteenth  and  nineteenth  dynasties,  when  all  three 
were  alike  portions  of  a  single  empire.  With  the  fall 
of  that  empire  the  statement  ceased  to  be  correct  or 
even  conceivable.  After  the  era  of  the  Israelitish  con- 
quest Canaan  and  Egypt  were  separated  one  from  the 


other,  not  to  be  again  united  save  for  a  brief  space 
towards  the  close  of  the  Jewish  monarchy.  Palestine 
henceforth  belonged  to  Asia,  not  to  Africa,  to  the 
middle  zone,  that  is  to  say,  which  was  given  over  to 
the  sons  of  Shem. 



When  the  first  edition  of  this  book  was  printed,  in 
1895,  excavation  in  Palestine  was  still  in  its  infancy. 
The  Palestine  Exploration  Fund  had  been  the  first  to 
enter  the  field,  and  Prof.  Flinders  Petrie's  excavations 
on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Lachish  had  enabled  him  to 
found  the  science  of  Palestinian  archaeology.  His 
brilliant  sketch  of  the  archaeological  history  of 
Canaan,  based  chiefly  on  the  pottery  he  discovered, 
has  been  confirmed  by  subsequent  research  at  nearly 
every  point. 

Prof.  Petrie's  work  at  Lachish  was  followed  by 
that  of  Dr.  Bliss,  and  culminated  in  the  discovery  of 
the  cuneiform  tablet  of  which  a  translation  is  given 
on  an  earlier  page.  A  combination  of  untoward  acci- 
dents, however,  made  it  impossible  to  continue  the 
excavations  at  Lachish,  and  Dr.  Bliss's  subsequent 
work  in  tracing  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  had  to  do  with 
a  period  which  lies  far  outside  the  limits  of  Patri- 
archal Palestine.  But  it  was  otherwise  with  the 
excavations  carried  on  by  the  Fund  in  several  of  the 
smaller  tels  or  ancient  mounds  in  the  south  of  Pales- 
tine— Tell  Zakariya,  Tell  es-Safi,  Tell  Jedeida,  and 
Tell  Sandahanna — which  resulted  in  throwing  a  good 
deal  of  light  on  the  history  of  Canaanite  pottery. 
Then  came  a  very  important  piece  of  work,  the  almost 
exhaustive  excavation  of  the  ancient  Gezer,  which  has 


occupied  a  good  many  years  of  hard  work,  and  has 
been  carried  out  with  scientific  thoroughness  and 
insight  by  Prof.  Stewart  Macalister.  Not  only  has 
the  site  of  the  city  been  explored,  but  the  tombs  as 
well,  and  a  large  part  of  what  we  now  know  about 
Patriarchal  Canaan  and  its  inhabitants  is  due  to  his 
persevering  labours. 

Meanwhile  other  scientific  Societies  had  been  stirred 
into  activity  in  Palestine.  Dr.  Sellin,  on  behalf  of  the 
Austrians,  excavated  first  at  Taanach  and  then  at 
Jericho,  and  discovered  at  Taanach  a  number  of 
cuneiform  tablets  which  contain  the  correspondence  of 
private  Canaanite  individuals.  At  Tell  Mutesellim, 
where  Megiddo  once  stood,  Dr.  Schumacher  has 
excavated  for  a  German  Society,  and  an  American 
expedition  under  Dr.  Reisner  is  at  present  working  at 
Samaria,  where  the  remains  of  the  palace  of  Ahab 
have  been  discovered,  as  well  as  the  inscribed  frag- 
ments of  the  wine-jars  that  were  stored  in  its  cellar. 
Samaria,  however,  belongs  to  the  days  of  the  Israelitish 
monarchy,  not  to  the  age  that  preceded  the  Exodus. 

The  history  of  Canaan  begins  in  the  palaeolithic 
epoch.  Palaeolithic  implements  are  found  on  the 
surface  of  the  plains  and  tell  us  of  a  time  when  Europe 
was  still  in  the  grip  of  the  glacial  age,  and  the  geo- 
graphy of  the  Mediterranean  was  widely  different 
from  what  it  is  to-day.  When  and  how  the  palaeo- 
lithic epoch  passed  away  is  still  a  question ;  ages  later 
we  find  neolithic  man,  with  his  implements  of  polished 
stone,  in  the  possession  of  the  land  and  the  enjoyment 
of  a  culture  which  must  have  needed  many  centuries 
for  its  development. 

The  neolithic  inhabitants  of  Palestine  belonged  to 
a  race  which  was  widely  spread  over  the  Mediter- 


ranean.  They  were  of  comparatively  short  stature, 
averaging  about  five  feet  six  inches  in  height,  and 
they  were  dolichocephalic  or  long-headed.  They 
buried  their  dead  after  partial  cremation  in  caves,  and 
more  than  one  of  their  burial  places  was  discovered 
by  Prof.  Macalister  at  Gezer.  Among  the  caves  is  a 
double  one  which  seems  to  have  been  used  for  reli- 
gious purposes,  certain  so-called  "cup-markings"  on 
the  rock  being  probably  connected  with  the  primitive 
worship  of  the  time. 

The  pottery  of  the  neolithic  people  was  rough  and 
hand-made,  but  was  often  ornamented  by  burnished 
lines,  moulded  cord-patterns  or  streaks  of  reddish 
brown  and  white.  As  they  used  grindstones  they 
must  have  been  already  acquainted  with  corn.  They 
possessed,  too,  the  most  important  domestic  animals, 
the  ox,  the  sheep,  the  goat  and  the  swine,  and  certain 
objects  which  are  probably  spindle-whorls  would 
indicate  that  they  practised  the  art  of  weaving. 

This  neolithic  period  was  of  long  duration.  There 
is  no  direct  proof  of  this  as  yet  in  Palestine,  but 
excavations  at  Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates  and  at 
Sakje-gozu  north  of  the  Gulf  of  Antioch  have  shown 
that  in  Syria  also  there  was  a  neolithic  period  coeval 
with  that  of  Palestine,  and  there  is  evidence  in  both 
these  places  that  it  must  have  lasted  for  untold 

Over  the  primitive  neolithic  population  swept,  some- 
where about  3000  B.C.,  the  tide  of  Semitic  migration 
and  conquest.  A  Semitic  race,  called  Amorite  by  the 
Babylonians  and  apparently  also  by  itself,  made  its 
way  from  the  East  to  the  Mediterranean,  and  there, 
in  the  lands  of  Syria  and  Palestine,  became  the  domi- 
nant people.     The  Amorites,  as  we  may  call  them, 


were  of  taller  stature  and  stouter  build  than  their 
predecessors,  their  skulls  were  somewhat  rounder,  and 
they  did  not  burn  their  dead.  Above  all,  they  were 
acquainted  with  the  use  of  metals,  which  they  had 
learned  from  the  Babylonians  along  with  other 
elements  of  Babylonian  culture,  and  they  were  con- 
sequently armed  with  weapons  of  hardened  copper 
and,  at  a  later  date,  of  bronze.  Against  these  weapons 
of  copper  and  bronze  the  neolithic  population  con- 
tended in  vain.  Syria  and  Palestine  were  occupied 
by  the  new  race,  which  intermarried  and  mixed  with 
its  predecessors  and  so  produced  the  Canaan  ites  of 

Houses  of  stone  and  brick  now  took  the  place  of 
wigwams,  and  the  cities  were  surrounded  with  massive 
walls.  The  wall  of  Gezer  was  more  than  thirteen  feet 
thick  and  correspondingly  high  and  was  provided 
with  towers ;  it  lasted  down  to  the  age  of  the  Egyptian 
conquest  of  Palestine,  and  from  the  mass  of  debris 
which  accumulated  about  it,  Prof.  Macalister  calcu- 
lates that  it  must  have  been  built  at  least  as  early  as 
2900  B.C.  The  walls  of  Megiddo  were  no  less  than 
twenty-six  feet  in  thickness,  independently  of  the 
glacis  of  beaten  earth  which  protected  their  foot.  The 
wall  was  made  of  large  hammer-dressed  blocks  of 
stone,  and  that  at  Gezer  was  provided  with  two  gates. 

Quite  as  remarkable  as  the  city  walls  were  the 
arrangements  for  providing  the  city  with  water  in 
time  of  siege.  At  Gezer  a  tunnel  of  grandiose  dimen- 
sions was  hewn  out  of  the  solid  rock  until  it  reached 
an  abundant  spring  of  water  ninety-four  and  a  half 
feet  below  the  original  surface  of  the  soil.  The  en- 
trance to  the  tunnel  was  twenty-three  feet  in  height 
and  thirteen  feet  broad,  and  steps  were  cut  in  the 


sloping  rock  down  to  the  level  of  the  water,  while  the 
roof  was  shaped  into  the  form  of  a  barrel  vault.  The 
work  implies  advanced  engineering  skill  as  well  as 
the  control  of  large  resources. 

Prominent  above  all  other  buildings  was  the  High 
Place.  At  Gezer  this  consisted  of  ten  huge  monoliths, 
of  which  eight  are  still  standing  in  a  paved  court. 
The  second  seems  to  have  been  exceptionally  sacred 
as  parts  of  its  surface  have  been  worn  and  polished 
by  the  kisses  of  the  worshippers,  while  the  seventh 
has  been  transported  from  a  distance,  probably  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem.  At  Tel  es-Safi  there 
were  three  monoliths;  at  Megiddo  only  two,  but  here 
the  construction  of  the  sanctuary  was  more  elaborate, 
and  there  was  an  altar  south  of  the  standing  stones. 
The  altar  at  Gezer  appears  to  have  been  placed 
between  the  fifth  and  sixth  stones. 

The  High  Place  at  Gezer  was  built  over  the  double 
cavern  of  the  neolithic  population,  thus  carrying  on 
the  traditions  of  the  ancient  sanctity  of  the  spot.  The 
twofold  cavern  seems  to  have  been  closely  connected 
with  the  plan  of  an  Amorite  sanctuary  :  at  Megiddo 
its  place  was  taken  by  an  artificial  cavern  with  vaulted 
roof,  while  the  cave  under  the  Dome  of  the  Rock  on 
the  temple-hill  of  Jerusalem  is  well  known.  The  soil 
beneath  the  sanctuary  has  been  described  as  "a  verit- 
able necropolis  of  infants."  On  all  sides  there  were 
gruesome  evidences  of  one  of  the  dark  features  of 
Canaanite  religion,  the  sacrifice  of  children.  Their 
skeletons  were  found  in  numberless  jars  along  with  a 
lamp  and  bowl,  and  sometimes  one  or  two  other  small 
vessels  intended  to  contain  the  food  and  drink  neces- 
sary for  the  support  of  the  dead  in  their  journey  to 
the  other  world.     Most  of  the  children  were  newly 


born,  and  were  buried  on  the  east  side  of  the  line  of 
monoliths;  in  a  few  cases,  however,  the  age  was  more 
advanced,  and  interments  were  met  with  to  the  west  of 
the  altar.  In  one  or  two  instances  only  were  there 
traces  of  fire.  Similar  burials  were  discovered  at 
Megiddo,  fully  bearing  out  the  accusations  brought 
against  Canaanitish  worship  by  the  writers  of  the  Old 
Testament.  With  the  arrival  of  the  Israelites  human 
sacrifice  disappeared.  The  jar  with  its  lamp  and  bowl 
still  remained,  but  it  was  filled  with  sand  instead  of 
the  bones  of  children,  as  Prof.  Petrie  found  at 
Lachish.  It  thus  became  a  merely  meaningless  sur- 
vival of  an  old  custom,  testifying  to  an  entire  change 
in  the  religious  conceptions  of  the  people. 

Among  the  rubbish  that  had  accumulated  around 
the  sanctuary  of  Gezer  rt  is  interesting  to  note  that 
a  bronze  serpent  was  discovered.  There  was  a  bronze 
serpent  also  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  it  will  be 
remembered,  which  we  are  told  was  destroyed  by 
Hezekiah,  as  it  had  become  an  object  of  worship. 

The  pottery  of  the  neolithic  age,  as  has  been  already 
said,  was  for  the  most  part  coarse  and  crude,  some  of 
it  being  ornamented  with  streaks  of  white,  red  or  black 
on  a  yellow  or  red  wash.  The  pottery  of  the  Amorites 
was  of  a  much  finer  character.  That  excavated  at 
Gezer  has  enabled  Prof.  Macalister  to  divide  the 
history  of  Amorite  Canaan  before  the  Israelite  in- 
vasion into  two  periods,  which  he  terms  the  First 
and  Second  Amorite,  the  second  period  beginning, 
perhaps,  about  2100  B.C.  In  the  first  period  foreign 
influence  is  hardly  discernible,  at  all  events  so  far  as 
the  pottery  is  concerned;  but  the  potter's  wheel, 
worked  by  the  hand,  had  been  introduced ;  the  forms 
of  the  vessels  were  varied  and  elegant,  and  the  vases 


were  ornamented  not  only  with  mouldings,  but  also 
with  horizontal  bands  of  red,  black  and  grey.  Unlike 
the  pottery  of  Egypt  or  Babylonia,  the  jugs  of  Canaan 
were  at  all  periods  provided  with  loop  handles,  thus 
resembling  the  vases  of  Krete  and  Cyprus,  Greece 
and  Asia  Minor.  In  the  use  of  the  red  colour  of  some 
of  the  Amorite  pottery,  indeed,  Prof.  Myres  would 
recognize  the  influence  of  the  Hittites,  with  whom, 
to  the  north  of  the  Halys,  he  believes  the  employment 
of  the  red  pigment  originated.  Terra-cotta  figures  of 
the  goddess  Ashtoreth  with  the  hands  on  the  breasts 
occur  from  time  to  time. 

The  spindles  and  weavers'  weights  show  that  there 
must  have  been  a  good  deal  of  cloth-making.  Buttons 
were  employed  for  fastening  the  garments  on  the 
body;  it  was  not  till  later  that  the  fibula  or  brooch 
became  common.  Pins  of  bone,  and  afterwards  of 
bronze,  were  in  much  request;  so  too  were  needles. 
Bracelets,  anklets,  finger-rings  and  ear-rings  of  the 
precious  metals  were  largely  used,  and  Egypt  supplied 
scarabs  and  amulets  for  the  further  adornment  of  the 
person,  many  of  which  go  back  to  the  time  of  the 
twelfth  dynasty  (2500  B.C.). 

Beads  were  numerous,  especially  small  disks  of 
carnelian,  but  green  and  yellow  glazed  beads  of 
Egyptian  "porcelain"  were  also  imported  from  the 
Nile.  The  bronze  spear  and  dagger  were  known,  as 
well  as  the  bronze  arrow-head,  though  arrow-heads 
of  flint  were  employed  by  the  side  of  it.  But  the  old 
stone  mace  was  still  a  favourite  weapon. 

Corn  was  reaped  with  sickles  fitted  with  sharp 
flints,  and  was  pounded  in  a  quern ;  the  cakes  of  bread, 
after  being  baked,  were  carried  on  terra-cotter  trays. 
Oil  was  extracted  from  the  olive  in  presses,  and  barley 


and  oats  were  used  for  food  as  well  as  wheat.  Figs, 
grapes  and  pomegranates  were  cultivated,  and  the 
grape  was  made  into  wine.  The  donkey  was  the 
ordinary  beast  of  burden ;  the  camel,  however,  occa- 
sionally made  its  way  from  the  Arabian  desert  into 
the  fields  of  Canaan.  The  skeleton  of  a  dog  was 
found  with  that  of  his  master  in  one  of  the  burial 

With  what  Prof.  Macalister  calls  the  second 
Semitic  period  we  enter  upon  an  epoch  of  active  com- 
mercial intercourse  between  Canaan  and  its  neigh- 
bours, and  a  corresponding  development  of  luxury 
in  the  daily  life  of  its  villagers.  The  Hyksos  dynasties 
were  now  ruling  Egypt ;  their  kings  were  of  Canaanite 
origin,  and  the  centre  of  their  power  was  in  Asia 
rather  than  in  Egypt.  Hitherto  it  had  been  Egypt 
which  had  been  the  mistress  of  Canaan  when  the  latter 
country  was  under  Egyptian  control ;  now,  on  the 
contrary,  it  was  Canaan  that  was  the  mistress  of 
Egypt.  For  five  hundred  years  (2 100-1600  B.C.)  the 
Hyksos  Pharaohs  ruled  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  and 
the  monuments  of  one  of  them  who  bears  the  Canaan- 
ite name  of  Khayan  have  been  found  in  Babylonia  on 
the  one  side  and  in  Krete  on  the  other.  As  might 
have  been  expected,  numerous  scarabs  of  the  Hyksos 
period  have  been  disinterred  in  Canaan. 

The  Hyksos  invasion  of  Egypt  was  part  of  a  general 
movement  on  the  part  of  the  Amorite  or  West-Semitic 
tribes,  one  result  of  which  was  the  conquest  of 
Northern  Babylonia  and  the  establishment  of  an 
Amorite  dynasty  at  Babylon  (2225-1926  B.C.).  The 
most  famous  of  the  kings  of  this  dynasty  was  Kham- 
murabi  or  Amraphel,  whose  date  has  now  been  deter- 
mined astronomically  by  Dr.  Kugler  (2123-2081  B.C.). 


After  shaking  off  the  Elamite  supremacy  and  uniting 
northern  and  southern  Babylonia,  he  re-established 
the  old  empire  of  Sargon  of  Akkad  and  extended  his 
rule  from  Susa  in  the  mountains  of  Elam  in  the  east 
to  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  in  the  west. 
Towards  the  end  of  his  reign  the  great  code  of  laws 
was  compiled,  a  copy  of  which  was  discovered  by 
M.  de  Morgan  in  the  ruins  of  Susa.  The  code  was 
obeyed  in  all  parts  of  his  dominions — in  Elam  and 
Canaan  as  well  as  in  Babylonia.  It  is  interesting, 
therefore,  to  find  instances  of  conformity  with  its 
regulations  in  the  history  of  the  Hebrew  patriarchs, 
where  they  differed  from  the  regulations  afterwards  in 
force  under  the  Mosaic  law.  Thus  adoption  which 
was  practically  unknown  under  the  latter  code,  but 
was  a  fundamental  fact  in  Babylonian  social  life,  is 
illustrated  by  the  adoption  of  Eliezer  of  Damascus  by 
the  childless  Abraham.  In  agreement  with  the  Baby- 
lonian code  the  adopted  son,  who  had  been  a  slave, 
received  his  freedom  and  became  the  heir  to  the 
property  of  his  adopted  father.  So,  again,  in  the 
history  of  Hagar  and  Ishmael  the  Babylonian  law  is 
observed  which  allowed  the  childless  wife  to  present 
her  husband  with  a  concubine,  but  laid  down  that  if 
the  concubine  had  had  a  child  and  a  dispute  arose 
between  her  and  the  wife,  the  concubine  could  not  be 
reduced  to  slavery  again,  nor  the  child  deprived  of  his 
lawful  inheritance.  The  concubine  could  be  sold  only 
if  "she  had  not  borne  children." 

The  Babylonian  occupation  of  Syria  and  Canaan 
had  already  begun  in  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur 
(2500  B.C.).  Babylonian  soldiers,  officials  and  mer- 
chants made  their  way  to  the  West,  while  conversely 
"Amorites"  settled  in  the  Babylonian  cities,  more 


especially  in  Ur.  Along  with  other  elements  of  Baby- 
lonian culture,  which  was  essentially  literary,  the  art 
of  writing  was  necessarily  carried  to  the  west.  The 
script  of  Palestine  became  the  cuneiform  script  of 
Babylonia,  and  its  literary  language  that  of  the  Baby- 
lonians. A  curious  memorial  of  it  has  been  found  in 
the  Lebanon  in  the  shape  of  a  notice  sent  by  the 
Babylonian  government  to  its  officers  in  Syria  telling 
them  the  name  under  which  the  seventh  year  of 
Samsu-iluna,  the  son  and  successor  of  Khammurabi, 
was  to  be  officially  known.  An  earlier  memorial  is 
in  the  museum  of  the  Louvre,  consisting  of  part  of  a 
cadastral  survey  drawn  up  by  Urimelech,  the  governor 
of  Syria  and  Palestine,  for  the  purposes  of  taxation  in 
the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur. 

In  the  south  of  Palestine,  however,  Egyptian  in- 
fluence seems  to  have  been  stronger  than  Babylonian. 
At  all  events  this  was  the  case  at  Gezer,  where 
Egyptians  of  the  age  of  the  twelfth  dynasty  actually 
settled  and  were  buried.  Egyptian  pottery,  beads, 
amulets  and  the  like  were  freely  imported  into  the 
country,  and  along  with  the  trade  with  Egypt  went 
a  trade  also  with  Krete,  Cyprus  and  Asia  Minor. 
Some  of  the  pottery  shows  traces  of  relationship  to 
the  pottery  found  on  the  site  of  an  Assyrian  settlement 
in  Cappadocia  of  the  age  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur.  Prof. 
Macalister  describes  the  Gezer  pottery  of  the  "Second 
Semitic  period"  as  "well-refined  and  good,"  as  repre- 
senting the  "best  and  most  graceful"  forms,  and  as 
having  been  made  on  the  potter's  wheel  worked  by 
the  foot.  A  considerable  proportion  of  the  pottery 
was  elaborately  painted,  though  moulding  had  not 
gone  out  of  fashion;  among  the  patterns  are  spirited 
representations  of  birds,  fish  and  animals,  the  outlines 
traced  with  a  firm,  bold  hand  and  filled  in  with  masses 


of  colour.  Similar  patterns  and  animal  designs  are 
found  painted  in  the  same  colours 'on  the  early  pottery 
of  Asia  Minor,  and  it  was  from  Asia  Minor  that  the 
bronze  of  Palestine  and  Assyria  was  derived.  The 
Canaanite  lamp,  which  is  a  small  dish  the  side  of 
which  has  been  pinched  up  in  one  place,  first  makes 
its  appearance  in  the  "Second  Semitic  period." 

Gold  and  silver  objects  are,  of  course,  not  often  met 
with  by  the  excavator;  it  is  more  usually  the  objects 
that  were  considered  worthless  in  the  past  which  have 
been  left  to  him.  Sufficient  jewellery,  however,  has 
been  discovered  to  illustrate  the  descriptions  of  Canaan- 
ite wealth  contained  in  the  Egyptian  inscriptions  and 
to  indicate  the  luxury  that  prevailed  even  in  a  small 
provincial  town.  At  Taanach  Dr.  Sellin  discovered 
gold  and  silver  ornaments  on  the  body  of  a  woman 
in  a  deserted  house  which,  as  he  remarks,  are  of  them- 
selves enough  to  remove  "all  grounds  for  doubting 
such  accounts  as  those  in  Joshua  (vii.  21),  and  Judges 
(viii.  26)"  ;  and  the  numerous  objects  of  Egyptian 
fayence  met  with  at  Gezer  make  it  plain  that  the 
products  of  the  foreign  jeweller's  art  had  a  ready  sale. 

At  Taanach  Dr.  Sellin  was  so  fortunate  as  to  find 
the  archive  chamber  of  the  governor's  house,  together 
with  some  of  the  cuneiform  tablets  which  had  once 
lain  in  the  archive  chest.  Some  of  them  were  private 
letters  from  one  Canaanite  sheikh  to  another,  and  they 
may  be  dated  about  fifty  years  after  the  close  of  the 
Tel  el-Amarna  correspondence.  They  show,  on  the 
one  hand,  how  general  must  have  been  a  knowledge 
of  reading  and  writing,  and  that,  too,  in  the  com- 
plicated and  difficult  cuneiform  script;  and  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  script  used  in  Palestine  was  not 
yet  the  Phoenician  alphabet,  but  the  cuneiform  sylla- 
bary, while  the  literary  language  was  Babylonian. 
Q  2 


When  the  inhabitants  of  a  petty  Canaanite  town  could 
thus  correspond  with  one  another  on  private  and 
trivial  matters,  we  may  conclude  that  the  schools  must 
have  been  numerous  and  well  equipped.  Several  styli 
for  writing  upon  clay  were  found  by  Prof.  Macalister 
at  Gezer. 

One  of  the  letters  is  as  follows:  "To  Istar-yisur 
thus  says  Guli-Hadad.  Live  happily  !  May  the  gods 
grant  health  to  thyself,  your  house  and  your  sons  ! 
You  have  written  to  me  about  the  money  .  .  ,  and 
behold,  I  will  give  50  pieces  of  silver,  since  this  has 
not  yet  been  done. — Again  :  Why  have  you  sent  your 
salutation  here  afresh  ?  All  you  have  heard  there  I 
have  (already)  learned  through  Bel-ram. — Again  : 
If  the  finger  of  the  goddess  Asherah  point,  let  them 
announce  the  omen  and  follow  it,  and  you  shall 
describe  to  me  both  the  sign  and  the  event.  As  to  your 
daughter,  we  know  the  one,  Salmisa,  who  is  in  the  city 
of  Rabbah,  and  if  she  grows  up,  you  must  give  her  to 
be  the  prince's  (wife) ;  she  is  in  truth  fit  for  a  lord." 

Another  letter  was  addressed  to  Istar-yisur:  "To 
Istar-yisur  thus  says  Akhi-yami.  May  the  lord  of  the 
gods  protect  your  life,  for  you  are  (my)  brother,  and 
love  is  in  your  bowels  and  in  your  heart.  When  I 
was  in  Gurra  in  prison  a  workman  gave  me  2  swords,1 
a  lance  and  2  bowls  for  nothing ;  when  the  lance  which 
he  has  made  is  finished  I  will  send  it  through  Bur- 
idwa. — Again  :  look  after  your  towns,  for  they  (i.  e. 
the  enemy)  have  done  their  deed  against  me,  every 
one  who  has  done  it  against  the  towns;  look  now  if 
the  enemy  has  acted  well  towards  you. — Again  :If  he 
shows  anger,  .  .  him  and  there  will  be  a  great  victory. 
— Again  :  Let  Ilu-rabi  enter  Rehob  and  either  send 
my  man  to  you  or  else  protect  him." 

1  Magari,  the  mecMrdth  of  Genesis  xlix.  5. 


Another  letter,  the  end  of  which  is  broken,  begins 
thus:  "To  Istar-yisur  thus  says  Aman-khasir.  May 
[Hadad]  protect  your  life  !  You  shall  send  me  another 
quantity  of  oil  in  a  flask  (?). — Again  :  Your  militia  l 
are  not  among  the  garrison,  nor  do  you  yourself  come 
now  to  me.  At  all  events  send  your  brother. — Again  : 
I  am  in  Gaza  and  you  do  not  come  to  me.  Behold  I 
am  [marching]  against  the  enemy  while  you  remain 
in  your  city." 

Another  letter  from  the  same  correspondent  is  more 
complete  :  "  To  Istar-yisur  thus  says  Aman-khasir  : 
May  Hadad  protect  your  life  !  Send  your  brothers 
along  with  their  carriages,  and  send  your  tribute  of 
a  horse  as  well  as  presents  and  all  the  prisoners  who 
are  with  you  :  send  them  to-morrow  to  Megiddo." 

Besides  the  letters  the  archive-chamber  contained 
lists  of  the  militia  each  of  the  leading  citizens  was 
required  to  provide,  together  with  other  documents  of 
an  official  character.  At  Gezer  also  Prof.  Macalister 
found  cuneiform  tablets,  but  they  belong  to  a  later 
period  of  history,  after  the  fall  of  Samaria,  when  Pales- 
tine was  under  Assyrian  control.  At  Jericho,  however, 
a  number  of  clay  tablets  were  discovered  by  Dr.  Sellin 
on  the  flat  roof  of  a  house  adjoining  the  old  Canaanite 
wall,  where  they  had  been  laid  out  to  dry.  They  were 
as  yet  uninscribed;  the  capture  of  the  city  by  the 
Israelites,  which  must  have  taken  place  just  after  they 
had  been  made,  will  have  interrupted  the  correspond- 
ence for  which  they  were  intended.  It  may  even  be 
that  they  had  been  destined  to  be  letters  summoning 
help  from  the  surrounding  cities  of  Canaan  against 
the  Israelitish  invader. 

1  Khanak&y  the  khanichim  or  "  trained  troops  "  of  Abram,  Gen- 
esis xiv.  14. 



Thanks  to  the  cuneiform  inscriptions  a  flood  of 
light  has  recently  been  thrown  upon  the  early  history 
of  the  Amorites.  It  was  the  name  by  which  the  West- 
Semitic  tribes  of  Mesopotamia,  Syria  and  Palestine 
were  known  to  the  Babylonians  in  the  age  of  Abra- 
ham, and  it  would  seem  to  have  been  also  the  name 
by  which  they  called  themselves.  The  Amorite 
dialects  belonged  to  that  branch  of  the  Semitic  family 
of  speech  of  which  Phoenician  and  Hebrew — "the 
language  of  Canaan,"  as  Isaiah  calls  it — are  the  best- 
known  representatives. 

Mention  of  "the  king  of  the  Amorites"  appears 
from  time  to  time  in  Babylonian  literature  of  the 
Abrahamic  age.  His  chief  seat  seems  to  have  been 
Harran,  and  while  the  Babylonian  empire  lasted  he 
acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the  Babylonian 
monarch.  It  was  from  Harran  probably  that  the 
founder  of  the  Amorite  dynasty  at  Babylon  came,  to 
which  Khammu-rabi  or  Amraphel  belonged.  Amor- 
ites had  long  been  settled  in  the  Babylonian  cities, 
largely  for  the  purposes  of  trade,  and  their  names  are 
frequently  met  with  in  the  commercial  and  legal 
documents  of  the  Patriarchal  period.  The  names  are 
those  which  characterize  that  period  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment— Abram  (Abaramu),  Jacob  (Ya'qubu),  Joseph 
(Yasupu),  etc.  Ur,  which  had  been  the  home  of  a 


powerful  dynasty  and  was  built  on  the  West-Semitic 
side  of  the  Euphrates,  would  naturally  have  been 
specially  frequented  by  the  Amorite  settlers  in  Baby- 
lonia ;  hence  it  is  not  astonishing  that,  as  at  Ur,  so 
too  in  Harran,  the  great  temple  of  the  city  was  dedi- 
cated to  the  Moon-god.  Since  the  grandfather  of 
Abraham  is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  Serug,  his 
family  would  have  migrated  from  Serug  (Sarugi  in 
the  inscriptions),  which  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Harran  and  is  referred  to  in  the  tablets  that  deal  with 
trade.  Abraham's  father  and  grandfather  had  Meso- 
potamian  names  which  recur  in  the  cuneiform  texts. 
Some  of  the  Amorite  names  are  compounded  with  that 
of  the  god  Yahu,  the  Yahveh  of  the  Old  Testament. 
It  would  seem,  indeed,  that  Yahu  was  the  supreme 
deity  of  the  Amorite  population,  since  we  are  told  by 
the  Babylonian  scribes  that  the  name  was  equivalent 
to  ilu  "the  God." 

After  the  fall  of  the  Amorite  dynasty  in  Babylonia, 
which  traced  its  origin  to  Samu  or  Shem,  the  Amorite 
kingdom  became  independent  (1926  B.C.).  Its  chief 
enemies  were  now  the  Hittites  of  Asia  Minor,  who  had 
already  made  themselves  formidable  to  the  Babylonian 
empire.  Independent  principalities  grew  up  within  what 
had  once  been  the  kingdom  of  "the  king  of  the  Amor- 
ites,"  though  he  still  continued  toexercise  his  authority 
over  a  large  part  of  the  country  west  of  the  Euphrates. 
When  the  Pharaohs  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty  made 
Palestine  and  Syria  Egyptian  provinces,  the  name  of 
"Amorite"  was  restricted  to  the  mountaineers  of 
Canaan,  and  more  especially  to  the  district  immediately 
to  the  north  of  the  later  Palestine.  Here  was  the  seat  of 
Amorite  power  in  the  age  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets, 
and  here  the  final  scene  was  played  out  between  the 


two  rivals  for  the  possession  of  Syria,  Egypt  and  the 
Hittites.  While  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  have  given 
us  the  Egyptian  version  of  the  story,  the  cuneiform 
tablets  found  at  Boghaz  Keui,  the  Hittite  capital  in 
Cappadocia,  have  given  us  the  Hittite  version.  For 
some  time  the  Amorite  kings,  Ebed-Asherah  and  his 
successor  Aziru,  endeavoured  to  keep  on  good  terms 
with  both  parties,  and  to  represent  themselves  as  the 
faithful  servants  of  both  the  Egyptian  and  the  Hittite 
governments;  but  eventually  the  Hittites  prevailed; 
the  Egyptian  governors  were  driven  from  Syria,  and 
Aziru  became  the  vassal  of  the  Hittite  monarch,  with 
an  annual  tribute  of  300  shekels  of  gold.  His  great- 
grandson  was  married  to  a  Hittite  princess,  and  an 
agreement  was  made  between  him  and  his  suzerain 
that  the  succession  to  the  Amorite  throne  should  be 
confined  to  her  descendants.  It  was  one  of  these,  less 
than  a  century  later,  who  would  have  been  the  Sihon 
of  the  Old  Testament. 


A  (Deity),  221 
Abel  (place),  132 
Abel-mizraim,  173 
Abiliya,  109 

Abimelech,  107,  109,  no 
Abram  (in  Babylonian),  146 
Achshaph  or  Ekdippa,  182,  188, 

Acre  (Akku),  116,  133,  134,  136, 

197,  203 
Adai,  123 
Adamim,  189,  197 
Adamu,  229 
Addar,  132 
Adon,  114 
Adoni-zedek,  65 
Adullam,  182,  191 
Ahmes  I.,  76,  81 
Aia,  178 
Ajalon,  119,  123 
Akizzi,  115 
Akkad,  47 

Alasiya,  73,  92,  136,  192 
'Aluna  or  'Arna,  84,  196 
Amalekites  23,  30,  34,  35,  45 
Amanus,  53,  93 
Amber,  73,  209 
Amenophis  II.,  91,  95 
Amenophis  III.,  96,  97,  117 
Amenophis  IV.,  or  Khu-n-Aten, 

62,  74,  97  et  seq. 
Ammi,  19,  54 
Ammi-anshi,  177 
Ammi-ditana,  54 
Ammiya,  113 
Ammon,  19,  54,  55 

Ammunira,  107 

Amon-apt,  131 

Amorites,  25,  30,  31,  33,  35,  37,  40 

et  seq.,  48,  49,  53,  57,  95,   107 

et  seq.,  154,  236,  240,  246-8 
Amorites,  god  of,  222 
Amraphel,  55,  57,  240 
Anab,  190 
Anaharath,  197 
Anakim,  31,  32 
Anat,  71,  200,  221 
Anu,  71,  144,  221 
Anugas  or  Nukhasse,  85,  89,  92 
Aqabih,  Gulf  of,  94 
Aram-Naharaim    (Mitanni),   74 

81,  89,  96,  114 
Ararat,  39 
Argob,  20 
Ariel,  183 

Arioch  (see  Eri-Aku),  55 
Arka,  22,  45,  no 
Arvad,  45,  86,  113 
Arzaya,  123 
Asher,  188 
Asherah,  220 
Ashiti-Khaur,  225 
Ashkelon,  122,  130,  203 
Ashtaroth-Karnaim,  30,  31,  115, 

132,  139,  196 
Ashtoreth,  144,  218  et  seq. 
Assyria,  86,  134 
Aten-Ra,  98 
Aupa  {see  Ube),  114 
Avim,  46 
Ayab,  132 
Aziru,  107  et  seq.  248 




Baal,  218 

Baalbek,  21 

Babylon,  53,  88,  90 

Babylonia,  76,  217 

Babylonians,  76 

Balaam,  19,  133 

Bashan,  20,  30,  31,  32,  82,  115 

Bedad,  222 

Beduin,  23,  45,  82,  108,  109,  181 

Beer-sheba,  155,  157 

Bek'a,  21 

Bene-berak,  117 

Beth-anath,  138,  200,  203 

Beth-el,  132,  146,  169,  183,  191, 

Bethels,  225  et  seq. 
Beth-lehem,  71,  224 
Beth-On,  165 
Beth-Sannah,  124 
Beth-Ya,  200 
Beya  or  Baya,  1 30 
Bey  rout,  22,  142,  178,  181,  187 
Bin-sumya,  118 
Biridaswa,  115 
Biridi,  117 
Bliss,  Mr.,  73,  104 
Bosra,  115 

Burna-buryas,  96,  \$3  et  seq. 
Buzruna,  115 

Camel,  147 
Cana,  191 

Canaan,  34  et  seq.,  135  ;   art  of, 
209  et  seq.;  merchants  in,  210 
Canaanite  words,  211 
Canaanites,  35,  91 
Carchemish,  37,  38,  53,  86,  96, 

Carmel  of  Judah,  62,  136,  203 
Carmel,  Mount,  25,  197,  203 
Chedor-laomer,  30,  59,  144 
Chimham,  136,  203 
Chinneroth,  197 
Chiun,  223 
Circumcision,  152 
Code  of  Laws,  241 
Copper,  209 

Creation  legends,  230 

Cush,  79,  129,  231 

Cyprus,  48,  51,  73,  89,  136,  138 

Dagon,  71,  144,  224 
Damascus,  20,  55,  85,  115,  151, 

Dapul,  138,  182,  203 
Davis,  Mr.  T.  ML,  97 
Dead  Sea,  153 
Debir,  69,  205 
Deluge  story,  230 
Dor,  22 
Dothan,  196 
Doughty,  Mr.,  226 


Ebed-Asherah,  107  et  seq.,  248 

Ebed-Kheba,  43,  62,  68,  104,  116 

et  seq. 
Ebed-Sullim,  112 
Edom,  town  of,  132  ;  god,   198, 

Edomites,  33,  93 
Elam,  48,  55,  127 
Elephants,  88 
Eliezer,  151,  241 
Elimelech,  121,  127 
El-rabi-Hor,  113 
Emim,  30,  31,  32 
En-athon,  117,  132 
En-gedi,  34 
En-han-nabi,  214 
Eri-Aku  (Arioch),  53,  55  et  seq. 
Eta-gama  (or  Aidhu-gama),  112, 

Fenkhu,  90,  195 

Galeed,  166 

Gath,  198,  199 

Gath- Carmel,  120,  124,  200 

Gath-Rimmon,  117 

Gaza,  83,  95,  124,  141,  156,  195, 

Gaza  or  Khazi,  116,  245 
Gebal,  37,  107  et  seq.,  131,  187 



Gebel  Usdum,  153 

Gerar,  155 

Gezer,  122,  130,  236,  237,  245 

Gibeah,  200 

Gilu-khipa,  96 

Girgashites,  44 

Goshen,  173 

Gudea,  52 

Hadad,  222 

Hadad-dan,  130 

Hadad-Rimmon,  222 

Hadad-sum,  216 

Hadashah,  64,  205,  207 

Hamath,  36,  45,  189 

Harankal,  85 

Har-el,  67,  199 

Harran,  64,  143,  224,  246 

Havilah,  53 

Hazezon-tamar,  34,  43,  154 

Hazor,  112,  182,  189 

Heber,  127 

Hebrew  words  in  tablets,  213 

Hebron,  31,  32,  80,  126,  148,  160 

et  seq.,  200 
Hekdl,  etymology  of,  64,  215 
Hekalitn,  199 
Helkath,  200 
Hermon,  16,  24,  206,  226 
Herodotus,  36 
High  Places,  237 
Hittites,  35,  37  et  seq.,  88  et  seq., 

104,  109,  128,  137,  160,  180 
Hivites,  44 
Horites,  30,  33 
Horus,  216 
Hui,  135 
Hyksos,  79,  80,  146,  171,  240 

Ibleam,  197 

I  hem  or  I  ha  {see  Yahem),  83 

Inuam,  85,  115,  136,  203 

Ir-shemesh,  138 

Iron,  192 

Isaiah,  62,  212 

Istar  (Ashtoreth)  144,  219 

Ituraea,  20 

j  Jachin  and  Boaz,  226 
!  Jacob-el,  138,  167,  200 
!  Jebusites,  36,  43 
!  Jehovah-jireh,  1 59 

Jephthah-Hadad,  106,  120 

Jericho,  excavations  in,  234,  245 

Jerusalem  {see  Salem),  26,  43,  63, 
66  etseq.,  122  et  seq.,  150,  204  ; 
etymology  of  name,  63 

Joppa,  130,  131,  184 

Jordan,  18 

Joseph,  171  et  seq. 

Joseph-el,  199 

Kadesh  on  the  Orontes,  37,  83, 

86,  136,  141,  181,  187 
Kadesh-barnea,  29,  23,  50,  55,  155 
Kadmonites,  177 
!  Kaft,  72,  74 
!  Kassites,  76,  123,  129 
Kedesh  (goddess),  221 
Keilah,  62,  124,  125 
Kenites,  193 

Khabiri,  43,  106,  120,  124  et  seq. 
Khalunni,  115 

Khammurabi,  53,  57,  60,  240 
Khani,  108 
Khata,  37 
Khatu-sil,  137 
Khatip  (Hotep),  108 
Khayapa,  no 
Khu-n-Aten  (Amenophis  IV.),  62, 

98  et  seq. 
Kiriathaim,  30,  33 
Kirjath-Sepher,  70,  139,  190,  191 
Kishion,  197 
Kudur-Lagamar       (Chedor-lao- 

mer),  56 
Kudur-Mabug,  56 
Kumidi  (or   Kamdu),   109,    116, 

136,  142,  187,  195,  203 
Kuri-galzu,  134 

Labai,  116  et  seq.,  122,  126 
Lachish,  73,  104,  120,  122 
Lagamar,  59 
Laish,  22,  197 



Lakhmu,  71,  224 
Lamp,  Canaanite,  243 
Larsa  (Ellasar),  53,  56,  59 
Lebanon,  24,  52,  87 
Levi,  140 
Levi-el,  142 
Lot,  55 

Lotan   (Lutennu),   82,    129,   135, 

Macalister,  Prof.,  234,  235,  244 
Ma'arath,  187,  200 
Machpelah,  160 
Mafkat  (Sinai),  49,  94 
Magan  (Sinai),  49 
Magoras,  141,  1K7,  205 
Malchiel,  117  et  seq.,  131 
Manahath,  130 
Max  Miiller,  Dr.   W.,  139,  178, 

Megiddo,  26,  83  et  seq.,  183,  234 
Melchizedek,  61  et  seq.,  149 
Melkarth,  223 
Meneptah,  95,  139,  140 
Merom,  138,  196 
Migdol,  134 
Misheal,  197 
Misi,  82 
Mitanni    (Aram-Naharaim),   74, 

77,93,96,  108,  129 
Miya-Riya  (Meri-Ra),  124 
Mizraim,  36 

Moab,  19,  138,  155,  204 
Mohar,  Travels  of  a,  70,  176  et 

Moloch,  71,  223 
Moriah,  66,  158  et  seq.,  199 
Musikhuna,  130 
Mut-Hadad,  132 
Myres,  Prof.,  239 

Na'amah,  199 
Namya-waza,  112,  115,  116 
Naram-Sin,  48,  51,  144 
Nebo,  71,  222 
Negeb,  23 
Neolithic  age,  234 

Ni,  87,  91,  108,  114 
Nimrod,  79 
Nin-ip,  68,  125,  221 
Nukhasse  (Anugas),  85,  89,  92, 
100,  108 

On,  21,  79,  165 

Pa-Hor,  109 

Pakhanate,  11 1 

Pa-ur,  123,  124 

Palaeolithic  age,  234 

Pel  la,  136,  196 

Penuel,  or  Peniel,  167,  226 

Perizzites,  17,  44,  193 

Pethor,  19 

Petrie,  Prof.,  41,  97,  167 

Petrie,  excavations  of,  233 

Philistines,  14,  141,  156 

Phoenicia,  22,  77,  90,  187 

Phoenician  alphabet,  217 

Phoenicians,  195,  206 

Pinches,  Dr.,  167 

Pottery,  Canaanite,  235,  238 

Pu-Hadad,  130 

Purple-dye,  72 

Qana  or  Qina,  84 
Qatna,  92,  114 

Ra,  79 

Rabbah,  67,  124,  125,  244 

Ramses  II.,  18,  38,  64,  70,  136  et 

seq.,  139,  201 
Ramses   III.,  18,  64,  94,   140  et 

seq.,  202,  205 
Raphia,  192 
Raphon,  31,  196 
Rehob,  191,  244 
Rehoboth,  163, 192 
Reisner,  Dr.,  234 
Rephaim,  30,  31,  32,  41,  196 
Resheph,  18,  198,  204 
Rethpana,  Lake  of,  18,  142,  204 
Rianap,  130 

Rib-Hadad,  77,  106  et  seq. 
Rimmon,  222 



Rimmon-nirari,  101 
Rowlands,  Dr.,  33,  155 

Sacrifice  of  the  firstborn,  228,  237 

Sacrifices,  227 

Salem   or    Shalem   (Jerusalem), 

61,  64,  142,  203,  204 
Salim  (god)  61,  63,  150 
Samaria,  excavations  in,  234 
Sangar  (see  Singara),  58,  88 
Saratum  or  Zurata,  1 33 
Sarepta,  182 
Sardinians,  82,  109 
Sargon   of  Akkad,   42,  47,   144, 

Scheil,  Dr.,  104 
Schumacher,  Dr.,  139,  234 
Seal-cylinders,  217 
Seir,  33,45.94,  120 
Sela,  38 

Sellin,  Dr.,  234,  243 
Serpent,  bronze,  238 
Serug,  247 
Set,  216 

Seti  I.,  35,  135,  203 
Seti  or  Suta,  116,  119 
Shalem  or  Salem,  168 
Shasu  (see  Beduin),  34,  35 
Shechem,  25,   26,   41,   124,  139, 

146,  182,  189 
Shem,  247 
Shenir,  25,  50,  206 
Shiloh,  26 
Shimron,  196 
Shimron-meron,  189 
Shinab,  61 
Shinar,  58 
Ships,  212 
Shunem,  117,  197 
Sibti-Hadad,  131 
Siddim,  30,  61,  153 
Sidon,  36,  109,  112,  182,  216 
Sihon,  42,  43 
Sin  (city),  45 
Sin  (god),  143,223 
Sinai,  49,  50,  94,  138,  143,  223 
Singara  (see  Sangar),  93 

Sinuhit,  177  et  seq. 
Sirah,  200 
Sirion,  24 
Sitti  or  Sati,  34 
Socho,  138,  198,  203 
Sodom,  55,  147,  204 
Sonzar,  114 
Stone  of  Job,  139 
Subari,  75 
Subsalla,  53 
Sum-Adda,  133 
Sumer,  47,  58 
Sutarna,  96,  130 
Sutatna  or  Zid-athon,  133 
Sutekh,  79 
Sute,  34,  82,  109 

Su-yardata  or  Su-ardatum,  1 1 8, 

Taanach,  84,  130,  197,  234,  243 

Tagi,  118,  124,  126 

Takhis,  87,  95,  182,  189 

Tamar  (Tumur),  130 

Tammuz,  229 

Tanit,  225 

Tapun,  200 

Tarqu,  191 

Teie,  96,  104 

Tel  el-Amarna,  100  et  seq. 

Tel-loh,  52 

Temple,  226 

Thahash  (see  Takhis) 

Thothmes  II.,  81,  87 

Thothmes  III.,  31,  37,  45,  58,  67, 

72,  81  et  seq. 
Thothmes  IV.,  95 
Tibhath,  187,  195 
Tidal,  55,  60 
Tidanum,  50,  53 
Timnah,  190 
Tin,  209 
Tithes,  151 

Tomkins,  Mr.,  31,  196 
Trumbull,  Dr.,  33,  155 
Tunanat,  114 
Tunip,    86,  90,  95  et  seq 
Tut-ankh-Amon,  135 



Tyre,  36,  73,  107,  no,  in, 
140,  188,  203,  210,  226 

Ubeor  Ubi,  114,  186 
Ugarit,  91,  203 
Ur,  56,  143,  246 
Ur,  dynasty  of,  241 
Urimelech,  242 
Uru,  36,  63,  215 
Usu,  ill,  182   188,  203 

Yabitiri,  130 
Yabni-el,  106 
Yahem  {see  Ihem),  198 
Yahu  (Yahveh),  247 
Yamutbal,  59 
Yankhamu,  131 
Yapa-Hadad,  1 10 
Yapakhi,  1 16 
Yasdata,  117 
Yerzeh,  130,  138,  198 


Yidya,  130 

Yikhen-Khamu,  124,  126 
Yisyara,  105 

Zahi,  72,  89 

Zakkal,  141 

Zamzummim,  31,  33 

Zedek,  65 

Zelah,  120,  200 

Zelem,  223 

Zemar,  22,  45,  86,  109  et  seq.,  131 

Zephath,  200 

Zimrida  or  Zimridi,  105,  106,  110 

et  seq. 
Zinzar,  114 
Zion,  170 
Zippor,  140 
Zoan,  80,  146 
Zorah,  119 

Zurata  or  Saratum,  117 
Zuzim,  30 


"  HIGHER  CRITICISM,"  The,  and  the  Verdict  of  the 
Monuments.  Seventh  edition.  Demy  8vo,  buckram, 
bevelled  boards.  5*.  Applies  to  the  so-called  "  Higher 
Criticism  "  0/  the  Bible  the  results  of  recent  archceological 
research  :  for  the  General  Reader. 

SCRIPTIONS. Second  Edition.  Demy  8vo,  cloth 
boards.     $s- 

Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge, 
London  :  Northumberland  Avenue,  W.C. 

Richard  Clay  &  Sons,  Limited, 

brunswick  street,  stamford  street,  s.e., 

and  bungay,  suffolk. 


•  F    TBI 

Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge. 

Illustrated   handbooks  of 
Art  history  or  all  Ages  and  Countries. 

Edited  by  Sir  E.  J.  Poynteb,  P.R.A.,  and 
Professor  T.  Rogeb  Smith,  F.R.I.B.A. 

Large  crown  8vo,  cloth  boards.     2a.  6d.  each. 

Architecture:      Classic   and    Early   Christian. 

By  Professor  T.  Rogeb  Smith  and  John  Slateb,  B.A. 

Architecture :    Gothic   and    Renaissance.      By 

Professor  Rogeb  Smith  and  Sir  E.  J.  Poynteb,  P.R.A. 

Sculpture :    Egyptian,    Assyrian,    Greek,    and 

Roman.    By  G.  Redfobd.  F.R.C.S. 

Sculpture :    Gothic  Renaissance   and  Modern. 
By  Leadeb  Scott. 

Painting :  Classic  and  Italian.     By  Sir  Edward 
J.  Poynteb,  P.R.A.,  and  Pkbcy  R.  Head,  B.A. 

Painting :    Spanish   and   French.     By   Gerard 


Painting:   German,   Flemish,  and  Dutch.     Bj 

H.   J.   Wilmot    Buxton,    M.A..    and    Sir  Edwabd  J. 
Poynteb,  P.R.A. 

Painting:    English   and    American.     By  H.  J. 

Wilmot  Buxton,  M.A.,  and  S.  R.  Koehleb, 

Water- Colour  Painting  in  England.     By  G.  B. 


[The  authors'  names  tn  this  series  of  Art  Handbooks  ure  a 
guarantee  of  the  excellence  of  the  works,  and  the  large 
area  covered  renders  them  especially  interesting  to 
English  readers.  One  can  get  here  information  on  tht 
art  of  all  countries  and  times.  ] 


Diocesan  histories. 

Fcap.  8vo,  with  Map,  cloth  beards. 

Bangor.     By  the  Kev.  W.  Hughes.     3s.  6W. 
Bath  and  Wells.     By  the  Rev.  W.  Hunt.     2s.  Gd. 
Canterbury.  By  the  late  Rev.  R.  0.  Jenkins.  3s.  Gd. 
Carlisle.    By  the  late  Richabd  S.  Feeguson.   2s.  6d. 
Chester.     By  the  Rev.  Canon  Moeeis,  D.D.     3s. 
Chichester.    By  the  Rev.  W.  R.  W.  Stephens,  M.A. 

2a.  6d. 

Durham.  By  the  Rev.  J.  L.  Low.     2s.  Gd. 

Hereford.  By  the  late  Rev.  Canon  Phillott.     8s. 

Lichfield.  By  the  Rev.  W.  Beeeseoed.     2s.  Gd. 

Lincoln.     By  the  late  Rev.  Canon  E.  Venables,  and 

the  lata  Venerable  Archdeacon  Pebby.     is. 
Llandaff.    By  the  Rev.  E.  J.  Newell,  M.A.    8s.  Gd. 
Norwich.     By  the  Rev.  A.  Jessopp,  D.D.     2s.  Gd. 
Oxford.     By  the  Rev.  E.  Marshall,  M.A.     2s.  Gd. 
Peterborough.     By  the  Rev.  G.  A.  Poole,  M.A. 

2s.  6d. 
Rochester.    By  the  Rev.  A.  J.  Peaeman,  M.A.    4s. 
Salisbury.     By  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Jones.     2s.  6d. 
Sodor  and  Man.     By  A.  TV.  Mooee,  M.A.     3s. 
St.  Asaph.     By  Venerable  Archdeacon  Thomas.    2s. 
St.  David's.     By  the  Rev.  Canon  Bevan.     2s.  6d. 
Winchester.     By  the  Rev.  W.  Benham,  B.D.     8s. 

Worcester.     By  the  Rev.  I.  Geegoet  Smith,  M.A., 
and  the  Rev.  Phipps  Onslow,  M.A.     8s.  6d. 

Vork.     By  the  Rev,  Canon  Oensby,  M.A.     8s.  6d. 


Hon  Christian  Religious  Spstcms. 

These   Manuals   furnish   In   a  brief   and   popular    form   an 

accurate  account  of  the  great  Non-Christian 

Religious  Systems  of  the  World. 

Fcap.  Svo,  cloth  boards.     2a.  6d.  each. 

Buddhism :  being  a  Sketch  of  the  Life  and  Teach- 
ings of  Gautama,  the  Buddha.  By  T.  W.  Rhys  David*, 
M.A.,  Ph.D.     A  new  and  revised  edition.     With  Map. 

Buddhism  in  China.  £7  the  late  Rev.  S.  Beal. 
With  Map. 

Confucianism  and  Taouism.  By  Sir  Robkrt  R. 
Douglas,  of  the  British  Museum.     With  Map. 

Hinduism.  By  the  late  Sir  M.  Monier  Williams, 
M.A.,  D.C.L.     A  new  and  revised  edition.     With  Map. 

Islam  and  its  Founder.  By  J.  W.  H.  Stobart. 
With  Map. 

Islam  as  a  Missionary  Religion.  By  C.  R. 
Hainbb.     (2s.) 

Studies  of  N on  -Christian  Religions.     By  Eliot 


The  Coran :  its  Composition  and  Teaching,  and  the 
Testimony  it  bears  to  the  Holy  Scriptures.  By  Sir 
William  Muib,  K.C.S.I.,  LL.D..  D.C.L.,  Ph.D.  A  new 
and  revised  edition. 

The  Historical  Development  of  the  Quran.    Bj 

the  Rev.  Edward  Sell,  D.D.,  M.R.A.S. 

The  Religion  of  the  Crescent ;  or,  Islam :  its 
Strength,  its  Weakness,  its  Origin,  its  Influence.  Bj 
the  Rev.  W.  St.  Claib-Tisdall,  M.A.  C.M.S.     (4a.) 


CDe  faibers  for  tnglish  Readers. 

Fcap.  8vo,  cloth  boards.     2s.  each. 

Boniface.     By  the   Rev.  Canon    Gregory   Smith, 

M.a.    (is.  6d.) 
Clement    of    Alexandria.      By   the    Rev.    F.   R. 

Montgomery  Hitchcock,  B.D.     (3s.) 

Gregory  the  Great.     By  the  late  Rev.  J.  Barmby, 

Leo  the  Great.    By  the  Right  Rev.  Charles  Gore, 

Saint  Ambrose:    his  Life,  Times,  and  Teaching. 

By  the  Rev.  R.  Thobnton,  D.D. 

Saint  Athanasius:   his  Life  and  Times.     By  the 
Rev.  R.  Wheler  Bush.     (2s.  6d.) 

Saint  Augustine.     By  late  Rev.  E.  L.  Cutts,  D.D. 
Saint  Basil  the  Great.    By  Rev.  R.  T.  Smith.  B.D. 

Saint    Bernard,     Abbot     of     Clairvaux,     A.D. 

1091-1153.      By  the  Rev.  S.  J.  Eales,  M.A.,   D.G.L. 

(2s.  6d.) 
Saint  Hilary  of  Poitiers  and  Saint  Martin  of 

Tours.     By  the  Rev.  Gibson  Oazenove,  D.D. 

Saint  Jerome.     By  late  Rev.  E.  L.  Cutts,  D.D. 

Saint  John  of  Damascus.      By  the  Rev.  J.  H. 

Lupton,  M.A. 
Saint  Patrick :    his   Life  and   Teaching.     By  the 
Rev.  E.  J.  Newell,  M.A.     (2s.  6d.) 

Synesius  of  Cyrene,  Philosopher  and  Bishop.     By 

Alice  Gardner. 
The  Apostolic  Fathers.    By  the  Rev.  Canon  Scott 

The  Defenders  of  the  Faith;    or,  the  Christian 

Aoologists  of  the  Second  and  Third  Centuries.     By  the 

Rev.  F.  Watson,  D.D. 

The  Venerable  Bede.     By  the  Right  Rev.  G.  P. 


miscellaneous  Publications. 

Bible  Places ;  or,  The  Topography  of  the  Holy 
Land.  By  H.  B.  Tbistbam.  New  Edition,  brought  up 
to  date.  With  Map  and  numerous  Woodcuts.  Crown 
8vo,  half  bound,  5s. 

Called  to  be  Saints.  The  Minor  Festivals  Devx>- 
tionally  Studied.  By  the  late  Chbistina  G.  Rosbetti, 
Author  of  "Seek  and  Find."  Post  8vo,  cloth  boards, 
3s.  6d. 

Christians   under   the  Crescent   in    Asia.      By 

the  late  Rev.  E.  L.  Cutts,  D.D.,  Author  of  "  Turning- 
Points  of  Church  History,"  etc.  With  namerou.'s 
Illustrations.     Crown  8vo,  cloth  boards,  5s. 

Christian  Worship.  Its  Origin  and  Evolution. 
A  Study  of  the  Latin  Liturgy  up  to  the  tinw  ot' 
Charlemagne.  By  Monsignore  Duchesne.  Translated 
by  M.  L.  McClube.  Fourth  English  Edition,  representing 
the  Fourth  and  latest  French  edition  of  "  Les  Originea 
du  Culte  Chretien."     Demy  8vo,  cloth  boards,  10s. 

Devotional  (A)  Life  of  our  Lord.  By  the  late 
Rev.  E.  L.  Cutts,  D.D.,  Author  of  "  Pastoral  Counsels," 
etc.     Post  8vo,  cloth  boards,  5s. 

Doctrina  Romanensium  de  Invocatione  Sanc- 
torum. Being  a  brief  inquiry  into  the  Principles  that 
underlie  the  Practice  of  the  Invocation  of  Saints.  By 
the  Rev.  H.  F.  Stewabt,  B.D.  With  an  Introduction 
by  the  Bishop  op  Salisbubv.  Crown  8vo,  cloth  boards, 
2s.  6d. 

Q os pels,  The  Four.  Arranged  in  the  Form  of  aft 
English  Harmony,  from  the  Text  of  the  Authorised 
Version.  By  the  late  Rev.  J.  M.  Fuller,  M.A.  With 
Analytical  Table  of  Contents  and  Four  Muds.  Clotfl 
boards,  It. 

•5  rVBLd CATIONS    OF    THB    KOCIKTY    Mil 

Golden  Age  of  the  Church,  The.  By  the  Very 
Rev.  H.  D.  M.  Spence-Jones,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Dean  o! 
Gloucester.     Demy  8vo.     With  Map,  cloth  boards,  6s. 

"Higher  Criticism,"  The.  and  the  Verdict  of 
the  Monuments.  By  the  Rev.  Professor  A.  H.  Saycb. 
Seventh  Edition.    Deiny  8vo,  bevelled  boards,  5s. 

Inspiration.  By  the  late  Rev.  Frederick  Watson, 
D.D.    Demy  8vo,  cloth  boards,  4s. 

Land  of  Israel,  The.  A  Journal  of  Travel  in 
Palestine,  undertaken  with  special  reference  to  its 
Physical  Character.  By  the  Rev.  Canon  Tristram. 
With  two  Maps  and  numerous  Illustrations.  Large  post 
8vo,  cloth  boards,  10s.  6d. 

Literary  Criticism   and   the  New  Testament. 

The  Manchester  Cathedral  Lectures,  1907.  By  the 
Rev.  Canon  R.  J.  Knowling,  D.D.  Crown  8vo,  cloth 
boards,  2s. 

Modern   Criticism    and   the   Book  of   Genesis. 

By  the  Rev.  H.  A.  Redpath,  D.Litt.,  M.A.  Second 
Edition,  Revised.     Crown  8vo,  cloth  boards,  Is.  6d. 

Old  Testament  in  Modern  Light,  The.     By  the 

late  W.  Allan  Moberly,  Canon  of  Southwark.  With  a 
Preface  by  the  Bishop  op  Southwabk.  Fcap.  8vo, 
cloth  boards,  Is.  6a. 

Old  Testament  in  the  Light  of  the  Historical 
Records  and  Legends  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia, 
The.  By  Theophilus  G.  Pinches,  LL.D.,  M.R.A.S. 
With  several  Illustrations.  Third  Edition  with  Ap- 
pendices.    Large  post  8vo,  cloth  boards,  7s.  6d. 

Our  Lord's  Virgin  Birth  and  the  Criticism  of 
To-day.  By  the  Rev.  Canon  R.  J.  Knowling,  D.D. 
Crown  8vo,  cloth  boards,  Is.  Sd. 


Paley's  Evidences.  With  Notes,  Appendix,  and 
Preface.    By  Rev.  E.  A.  Litton.    Post  8vo,  cloth,  4s. 

Paley's  Horse  Paulina?.  With  Notes,  Appendix, 
and  Preface.  By  the  Rev.  J.  S.  Howson,  D.D.,  Dean  of 
Chester.    Post  8vo,  cloth  boards,  3s. 

Parables  of  the  Old  Testament,  The.     By  the 

Right  Rev.  A.  Babby,  D.D.    Demy  8vo,  oloth  boards,  4s. 

Plain  Words  for  Christ.  Being  a  Series  of  Read- 
ings for  Working  Men.  By  the  late  Rev.  R.  G.  Dutton. 
Post  8vo,  cloth  boards.  Is. 

Prayer  of  Christendom,  The  Great.  By  the  late 
Mrs.  Rundle  Charles.     Post  Svo,  cloth  boards,  Is. 

Readings  on  the  First  Lessons  for  Sundays 
and  Chief  Holy  Days.  According  to  the  New  Table. 
By  the  late  Rev.  Peteb  Young.  Crown  8vo,  in  two 
volumes,  5s. 

Reasons  for  Faith.  And  other  Contributions  to 
Christian  Evidence.  By  the  Right  Rev.  A.  F.  Winning- 
ton-Ingram,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  London.  Small  post  8vo, 
cloth  boards,  2s. 

Sacraments  of  the  Gospel,  The.  Lecture  Ad- 
dresses by  the  Rev.  W.  Beck.  Fcap.  8vo,  cloth  boards, 
Is.  6d. 

Seek  and  Find.  A  Double  Series  of  Short  Studies 
of  tbe  Benedicite.  By  the  late  Chbistina  G.  Rossetti. 
Post  8vo,  cloth  boards,  Is.  6d. 

"Sound  Words."  Their  Form  and  Spirit.  Ad- 
dresses on  the  English  trayer-book.  By  the  late  Rev. 
Geobgk  Edwabd  Jelf,  D.D.  Large  crown  8vo,  oloth 
boards.  ?s.  6d. 

O  rUBUUATintVt    or    THIr   SOCIETY 

44  To  Whom  Shall  We  Go  ?  "  An  Examination  ol 
some  difficulties  presented  by  unbelief.  By  the  Very 
Rev.  G.  T.  Ovenden,  D.D.     Small  post  8vo,  cloth  2s.  64. 

Thoughts  for  Men  and  Women.  The  Lord's 
Prayeb.     By  Emily  C.  Orb.     Post  8vc,  limp  cloth,  Is. 

Thoughts  for  Quiet  Days.  By  Emily  C.  Ore. 
Author  of  "  The  Magic  of  Sympathy,"  etc.  Small  pout 
8vo,  cloth  boards,  Is. 

Thoughts  for  Working  Days.  Original  and 
Selected.     By  Emily  G.  Orb.     Post  8vo,  limp  cloth,  Is. 

Time  Flies:  A  Reading  Diary.  By  the  late 
Christina.  G.  Rossetti.     Post  8vo,  cloth  boards,  3s.  6d. 

True  Vine,  The.  By  the  late  Mrs.  Rundlk 
Chableb.  Printed  in  red  and  black.  Post  8vo,  olotb 
boards,  Is. 

Turning- Points    ol    English    Church    History. 

By  the  late  Rev.  E.  L.  Cdttb,  D.D.     Crown  8vo,  cloth 
boards,  8s.  6d. 

Turning- Points   of   General    Church    History. 

By  the  late  Rev.  E.  L.  Cutts,  D.D.     Crown  8vo,  cloth 
boards,  3s.  6d. 

Verses.  By  the  late  Christina  G.  Rossetti.  Re- 
printed from  "  Called  to  be  Saints,"  "  Time  Flies,"  and 
"The  Face  of  the  Deep."    Small  post  8vo,  boards,  3s.  6d 


LoiiDO*;     Ko»THUM»lElJjlD    A.VKWUA,     W.C 

(D  t  J 


Do    not 
re  move 
the   card 
from   this 

Acme   Library   Card    Pocket 

Under  Pat.  "  Ref .  Index  File." 




iiPi  si 






I  ill